Recently, it was announced that a "civilian projector will deal with the nationalist crime of the Hilltop Youth" – or, as I prefer to call it, "the Hilltop Youth – Price Tag." It was made clear that the Minister of Defense and the head of the Shin Bet are jointly behind this so-called "revolutionary" initiative.
A newspaper article noted – purely from a "state" (mamlachti) perspective, completely ignoring the reality of the Hilltop Youth – that "surprisingly, there are those who oppose the move, claiming it constitutes cooperation with the Shin Bet," and that "some elements are even actively working against the Shin Bet's attempt to remove Youth from the cycle of violence in the West Bank."
For anyone familiar with the situation on the ground, these so-called "revelations" are anything but surprising. As I will demonstrate below, the very nature of the process and the decision itself preclude any possibility that appointing a project manager and his team will yield tangible results in addressing the self-perpetuating phenomenon of "Hilltop Youth – Price Tag" (though certain indirect or "environmental" effects cannot be ruled out).
Fundamental Misconceptions
This initiative suffers from a fundamental "blindness" regarding the essence of the "Hilltop Youth – Price Tag" phenomenon and the mindset of those who operate within it. Moreover, it disregards crucial lessons from past experiences. Consequently, it is doomed to resounding failure – after, of course, squandering national resources. As is common in our political landscape, these resources will inevitably flow into the hands of well-connected "cronies," further fueling the notorious "political job factory."
Understanding the Movement
It is essential to recognize that the Hilltop Youth is a social movement whose "activists" – lacking formal membership – spontaneously unite around a shared vision embodied in the biblical verse: "to inherit and bequeath the land." For the movement's "true believers," this commitment is paramount; they dedicate their time and energy wholeheartedly to realizing their collective vision.
However, the "Hilltop Youth – Price Tag" movement is not merely radical – it is extreme in the most explicit sense. It not only rejects the secular liberal-democratic government but actively seeks to incite rebellion and revolution. Its ultimate aim is to establish an alternative religious-political-social order, using violent extremism (i.e., violence driven by religious, political, or ideological motives) and vigilante terrorism (i.e., unauthorized enforcement, investigation, or punishment of those perceived as criminals or deviants, outside the authority of the sovereign state).
The Futility of the Civilian Projector
The assumption that "the position will be filled by a person from the settlements" offers no guarantee of success. It is crucial to understand that the "Hilltop Youth – Price Tag" operates as a "resistance movement" – a loose collective of social activists seeking to challenge the government and the state's sociopolitical structure. In doing so, they effectively rebel against the very institutions from which they emerged, including the founders of the established settlements and their successors.
These activists oppose the establishment in every way; they reject participation in political processes and abstain from voting in Knesset elections. Their opposition extends to regional politics as well – they generally reject institutions like the Yesha Council and regional councils, viewing them as part of the very system they wish to dismantle.
The notion that "the projector will be subordinate to the government and report to various ministries beyond security, including education and welfare" is entirely unacceptable to the "Hilltop Youth – Price Tag". As a result, this initiative will inevitably be perceived as a despised and illegitimate entity, and anyone cooperating with it will face isolation and ostracism.
The Failure of Rabbinical Mediation
The idea that "working with rabbis" – as stated by the Shin Bet – can influence the movement also contradicts its fundamental nature. The Hilltop Youth perceive themselves as aggressively anti-rabbinical. Unlike other nationalist-religious factions, they do not have authoritative "rabbis" whom they follow without question. Consequently, any supposed "rabbinical responsibility" for their actions on the ground is, at best, limited and indirect, if it exists at all.
Reports that the "The Israel and Foreign Department" in the Shin Bet is engaging in "talks with rabbis and influential figures among settlement Youth in the West Bank" to curb their nationalist activities seem largely unfounded. This initiative bears an uncanny resemblance to past efforts, such as the "Haredi Nahal" recruitment strategy, where those who enlisted were often marginal figures in ultra-Orthodox society, rather than members of its core yeshiva institutions.
Institutional Mediation – Rabbis and Heads of Regional Councils
In the past, at least two instances of mediation have been reported in which representatives of "The Israel and Foreign Department" in the Shin Bet collaborated with prominent rabbis and regional council heads. These efforts led to an "arrangement" that helped some of the Youths reduce their administrative detention time and find rehabilitative alternatives. However, it turns out that these cases involved young minors who were pressured into accepting such arrangements against their will.
In principle, the adult activists of this movement refuse to cooperate with security authorities, law enforcement agencies, or the judicial system. They remain steadfast in their determination despite offers extended to them or to their families by the Shin Bet.
Even the rabbis who had previously played a role in such mediation did not necessarily refrain from criticizing the Shin Bet. After Defense Minister Israel Katz announced the cancellation of administrative detentions for Jews, Rabbi Elyakim Levanon (Rabbi of the Samaria Regional Council and Rosh Yeshiva of Birkat Yosef in Alon Moreh) suggested: "Let us rabbis be involved – our communication with the Youths can be effective. We do not need administrative detention for that." However, he did not specify which group of Youths he was referring to.
Together with Rabbi David Hai Hacohen (Rosh Yeshiva of Netivot Yisrael, head of the Orot HaTorah congregation, and Rabbi of a Bat Yam neighborhood), Rabbi Levanon strongly criticized the Shin Bet, stating that "there is no justification for administrative detentions and the degrading treatment" that the Shin Bet employs against Hilltop Youth as part of its "ongoing persecution of the settlers."
Combining "Hard Means" with "Soft Means" – The Case of The Hebrew Shepherd Project
The state employs "hard means" (encompassing security, law enforcement, and justice) alongside "soft means" (including education and welfare).
A notable example of an attempt to implement "soft means" is The Hebrew Shepherd Project, established in 2013 with the stated goal of "strengthening and empowering education, settlement, and society throughout the Land of Israel." The project sought to "empower Youth and promote settlement projects from an educational and ethical perspective."
At its inception, the Director General of the Ministry of Education issued a formal document addressed to key government figures – including the Director General of the Prime Minister's Office, Ministry of Justice, Shin Bet, Israel Police, Public Security Ministry, and IDF Military Intelligence. The letter outlined the creation of an inter-ministerial committee to oversee the project and stated: "Due to the significant involvement of minors in Price Tag incidents, and following staff work done in collaboration with relevant government ministries, The Hebrew Shepherd Project was formulated to provide a rehabilitative educational-welfare response for at-risk Youth in the West Bank. This initiative is part of broader intervention efforts aimed at eradicating nationalist crime."
The letter emphasized that the project would be accompanied by an inter-ministerial steering committee responsible for setting work plans, operational goals, and implementation strategies. It concluded with a request for each ministry to appoint a representative to the committee and submit their details for an upcoming coordination meeting.
Shortly after its release, the letter and project details were exposed by Channel 7 Site, which reported that the plan's first phase involved educational initiatives to promote "acceptance of the different" and welfare programs providing personal and family support. Additionally, community leaders, bridge workers, and key Hilltop figures were to be enlisted to establish direct contact with Youth leaders and foster trust within families and communities.
The project aimed to: Prevent legal violations by addressing risky behavior; Encourage social integration through employment opportunities; Facilitate IDF enlistment among Youth; Promote post-military civic and entrepreneurial initiatives.
Despite criticism, the Ministry of Education defended the project, stating: "This is an educational initiative carried out in cooperation with the Ministry of Social Affairs and other entities. The Shin Bet is not involved in it."
However, in a personal conversation I had with a 20-year-old Hilltop Youth from Amona, he adamantly rejected the Ministry of Education's claims, stating: "Ministry of Education? This is a Shin Bet project!" He further emphasized: "No one among us who wears a kippah and grows payot was ever approached by them. We did not come to the Hilltops for fun – we came out of faith, out of ideology. So, they changed their approach and targeted the disconnected Youth, the violent and boastful young persons (arsim), who have no religious or ideological commitment" (Here again, we see a parallel between "yeshiva students" versus "working-disconnected Haredi Youth.")
Suspicion and Rejection of the Project
Although the project's founders later denied any connection with the Shin Bet, significant opposition arose among many Hilltop communities and outposts. This resistance stemmed from a deep-rooted ideological standpoint and a profound distrust of the government.
For example, Menachem Ben-Shahar, one of the founders of Givat Ronen, near Har Bracha, expressed skepticism about the initiative: "I do not understand what exactly is behind this project, but I do understand why people do not want to cooperate with it. There is a feeling that the state perceives a phenomenon – a public with power – and sees it as a flaw that it does not control this public. Consequently, it seeks to attack and interfere from all directions in an attempt to assert control, albeit in an inept and embarrassing manner. The Hilltop Youth make a clear statement, free from excessive communication and rhetoric – a voice that resonates, thank God. Therefore, it is unfortunate to obscure our message to the people of Israel by engaging with elements who, at best, do not identify with us, and at worst, could harm us."
Ideological Opposition from Within the Movement
The strongest opposition to The Hebrew Shepherd Project came from activists within the younger generation of the movement. For instance, Meir Ettinger, a prominent ideologists of the Hilltop Youth, articulated his critique on his blog: "The establishment's war on the Hilltop Youth is not only about harassment through enforcement – it is also a cultural war. The establishment is attempting to instill in us the very culture that led them to lose their Jewish identity, to be ashamed of harming Jews, and to lack faith in our right to exist throughout the entire land. From my very first meeting with members of The Hebrew Shepherd – before they even revealed their association with the project – I saw how they sought to persuade the Youth to focus solely on careers, livelihoods, and financial stability. This is the complete opposite of our values as Jews, who reject the obsession with wealth and instead work for the people of Israel, even at the cost of personal sacrifice." Ettinger continued, drawing a historical parallel: "Western culture is what has caused the Shin Bet, the Ministry of Education, and the establishment at large to lose all moral values. This is reminiscent of the ancient Greeks, whose initial influence on the Jewish people was not necessarily through physical oppression but through spiritual infiltration. Similarly, today, their main weapon is the cultural influence they try to impose on us – Hellenistic values, materialism, and corruption. We do not need them to educate us. Rather, we are the ones who should be educating them and spreading our light to them."
Rabbi Yitzhak Shapira, head of the Od Yosef Hai yeshiva in the settlement Yitzhar, recounted a visit from members of The Hebrew Shepherd Project who sought his endorsement. He described their request as follows: "This project claims to provide educational and employment frameworks for the Hilltop Youth. However, what is less known is that behind it stand the Shin Bet, the Prime Minister's Office, and the Ministry of Education – in other words, the highest levels of government. Their goal is to gain approval from figures respected by the Youth to ensure their cooperation." Rabbi Shapira responded with a counteroffer: "No problem, I'm willing to teach a civics course within the project. The topic? What a Jewish state really is. We will study citizenship from our perspective – you fund it, and I will explain what the state is supposed to be. I am fully prepared to be a partner on this project. You want backing? Then why don't you approve of my course?" Unsurprisingly – though infuriatingly to him – his proposal was ignored.
Then – and Now
Elhanan Groner, writer for Hakol HaYehudi (The Jewish Voice) and spokesman for Honenu (providing legal aid to Israeli soldiers and civilians in distress), directly questioned the founder of The Hebrew Shepherd Project: "The authentic Hilltop Youth – if you can define it that way – do not engage with your project at all. Perhaps you simply failed in your mission and, instead of admitting it, changed your target audience and objectives?" According to Groner, the founder of the project did not deny this conclusion, instead asserting that from the very beginning, his intent was not to engage with the 'hardcore' activists.
That same Elhanan Groner, now editor of Hakol HaYehudi, recently wrote about the civilian projector initiative, dismissing it as: "A not-so-funny joke and a project doomed before it even began – because of its ties to the Shin Bet." He explained: "A series of similar initiatives have already failed, wasting millions of shekels on projects that were not even relevant to Hilltop Youth. The reason is simple: the Hilltop Youth are not the problem – they are the solution. The real problem is a weak state that refuses to confront the enemy and allows Jews to be murdered. If the state were to fulfill its duty and deal with the real threat, no one would feel the need to act independently. But the establishment does not acknowledge this reality. Instead, it convinces itself that by offering Hilltop Youth a budget for welding courses and poyke (cast iron cooking pot), they will suddenly lose their determination to retaliate against attacks. This mindset has never worked – and never will – until the government realizes that its own failures are the problem, not the Youth."
In a past conversation with a former activist of the Hilltop Youth, he described his transition after leaving the Hills, getting married, and settling in Gush Shiloh. He later took on the role of "Youth Coordinator – Identification" in the Mathh Binyamin Regional Council. Reflecting on his evolving understanding, he stated: "Eventually, I realized that the state is just a tool – neither sacred nor profane. It can be used against you, or for you. Where I can use it to my advantage, it is good; where I can't – I have no ideological problem stabbing a dagger in its back. I am in contact with state and public organizations, but I still struggle with it. Even seeing the Israeli flag – in whose name I was persecuted – remains difficult for me."
Despite his background and reputation, he initially faced distrust from the Youth: ""Because I came from the system – from the establishment – their first reaction was skepticism. It took a long time to gain their personal trust. I was transparent from the start: 'This is the project; these are its goals. Whatever you say – I am with you.'"
He acknowledged that the state had finally begun engaging with the Hilltop Youth positively – not to remove them from the Hills, but to enhance their skills through structured education, vocational training, and personalized programs. However, he ultimately conceded: "The Youth generally reject state budgets and support from any government authority. As a result, the vast majority of funds allocated for these programs went unused.
The Ministry of Education stated that various programs, including The Hebrew Shepherd, continue to operate. However, a senior ministry official privately admitted: "None of these programs have been able to provide meaningful treatment or effective assistance to the Hilltop Youth."
Despite the considerable resources invested in multiple projects aimed at "reforming" or "integrating" the "Hilltop Youth – Price Tag," these efforts have consistently failed to achieve their intended goals. There is no logical basis to assume that the new "civilian projector" will succeed where previous attempts have repeatedly collapsed. As such, this project is inevitably doomed to failure.
