Search Results

You are welcome to get in touch: 📧 Email: dr.idanyaron@gmail.com 📞 Mobile: 050-5529604

The Federal Republic of Germany is today one of the most distinct and stable Western democracies. Following the events of WWII, and the horrors of the Holocaust, German legislators have prioritized safeguarding liberal democracy from negative influences and ensuring its resilience.   The new German Republic, established after the war, was designed to prevent the far right from ever regaining a leadership position through democratic means. As a result, Germany is often referred to as a "militant democracy" (wehrhafte Demokratie), in which central political institutions are granted executive power and tasked with defending the liberal democratic order. Notably, social groups – including political parties and associations – that are deemed "hostile" to liberal democracy are subject to disqualification and prohibition.   In general, civil rights and political freedoms are well-preserved in contemporary Germany. The country upholds extensive and detailed anti-discrimination laws, and its courts effectively oversee the actions of the executive branch.   At the heart of Germany's Basic Law ( Grundgesetz ) is the principle of the rule of law and the protection of fundamental individual rights. The words of Konrad Adenauer, President of the Parliamentary Council (1948-1949), served as an inspiration to the drafters of the Basic Law and became the guiding principle of the German constitution: "Democracy is more than a parliamentary form of government. It is a philosophy of life ( Weltanschauung ) based on the recognition of the dignity, worth, and inalienable rights of every person. A true democracy must respect these rights and the value of every individual in all aspects of life – political, economic, and cultural."   The establishment of the Federal Constitutional Court in 1951 provided individuals, groups, and organizations with a mechanism to challenge the exercise of state power. The Federal Law for the Protection of the Constitution was enacted to safeguard German liberal democracy, as well as the existence and security of both the federal government and its constituent states.   The Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Das Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz – BfV) is Germany's federal agency for internal security, responsible for surveillance and intelligence gathering. Founded in 1950, its initial mandate was to monitor East German spies and counter Soviet espionage in West Germany. The agency operates under the authority of the German Chancellor and serves as the executive arm of the Federal Ministry of the Interior for Building and Community Affairs. Originally headquartered in Cologne, it has since been relocated to Berlin. The agency employs approximately 3,000 personnel. Each of Germany's 16 federal states has its own state-level office for constitutional protection. However, these agencies are generally not authorized to conduct surveillance on individuals or collect personal information. Unlike police agencies, BfV agents lack arrest powers and cannot search homes or order police action.   In Germany, the disqualification of political parties is governed by Article 21.2 of the Basic Law: "[Extreme] parties which, by their aims or the conduct of their supporters, seek to undermine the free basic democratic order, or to abolish it, or to endanger the existence of the Federal Republic of Germany, shall be unconstitutional." Only the Federal Constitutional Court has the authority to declare a political party unconstitutional – a power that has been exercised only twice in Germany's history. Additionally, extremist associations may be banned if they violate the law, threaten the constitutional order, or oppose the principle of international understanding. Unlike political parties, the prohibition of extremist associations does not require a ruling by the Constitutional Court; a decision by the Federal Administrative Court suffices.   In Germany, "extreme movements" are defined as those whose explicit or implicit objectives include dismantling the liberal democratic order and replacing it with an ideology-driven system. These movements are often associated with violence, either advocating or employing violent means to achieve their goals. Activities that involve violence – or the intent to use violence – to jeopardize Germany's foreign interests or undermine international peace and cooperation are also considered extremist.   Violence is an inherent characteristic of extremism, manifesting in various forms, from spontaneous attacks on political opponents or immigrants to premeditated terrorist attacks aimed at instilling fear. Recent attacks in Germany have frequently involved firearms. Extremists fundamentally oppose the basic and human rights enshrined in the Basic Law, such as freedom of expression. They also reject core democratic principles – including popular sovereignty and judicial independence.   Germany's far-right extremist movements include groups such as the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD, National Democratic Party of Germany), Die Rechte (The Right), and Der III. Weg (The Third Way). Additionally, neo-Nazi factions, such as Freie Kameradschaften (Free Brotherhood), are categorized within this spectrum. The NPD, a recognized neo-Nazi party, has never succeeded in securing a seat in the Bundestag, the German federal parliament.   Alternative for Germany An intriguing case study is the Alternative for Germany ( Alternative für Deutschland  – AfD) party, which will be the focus of the discussion here.   Founded in 2013, the Alternative for Germany is the first populist, radical right-wing party in the country's history. Since its inception, it has sparked significant controversy – particularly when it called on Germans to stop feeling guilty about the nation's Nazi past.   One of the party's founders and a prominent figure in the state of Brandenburg, Alexander Gauland, has played a crucial role in shaping its ideology. Gauland – who holds a doctorate in political science and has a background as a lawyer, journalist, and politician – went so far as to describe the Nazi regime as merely a "bird dropping stain" on German history.   The party has undergone significant internal struggles, with most of its previous leaders being ousted by members of its more extreme wing. This faction has played a decisive role in shaping the party's anti-immigration policies, largely in response to former Chancellor Angela Merkel's decision to allow more than a million asylum seekers into Germany.   Alice Weidel (born 1979 in East Germany) made her political debut in 2013 when she joined the AfD, which was then a Eurosceptic party (adhering to a political position involving criticism of the European Union and European integration). Her economic liberalism and contempt for bureaucratic inefficiencies aligned with the party's then-current emphasis on promoting economic restraint, national sovereignty, and hostility to the European Union's bailout measures.   In the 2013 federal elections, with 4.7% of the vote, the AfD just missed the 5% barrier needed to be represented in the Bundestag.   In the 2014 European Parliament elections, the party gained seven members, marking its first legislative victory.   In 2015, the AfD underwent a sea change because of the refugee crisis. The party took advantage of the crisis by changing its platform from Euroscepticism to a more populist one that prioritized border security, anti-immigration rhetoric, and criticism of Merkel's policies. The national-conservative politician Frauke Petry (who chaired the party from July 2015 to September 2017) completely adopted anti-immigration and anti-Islamic rhetoric.   In the 2016 general elections, the AfD saw significant gains in several German states.   In April 2017, Weidel was elected to co-lead the (male-dominated) political party, alongside Gauland. Following the election, Weidel took on the role of co-chair of the party's parliamentary faction in the Bundestag.   In the general elections of late September 2017, the Alternative for Germany, under Gauland's leadership, emerged as the third-largest party in Germany, and made its maiden appearance in the Bundestag with 12.6% of the vote.   By 2019, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution announced that it would begin monitoring the AfD, citing concerns over its extremist tendencies. The primary focus of this scrutiny was the party’s nationalist faction, known as "The Wing" ( Der Flügel ).   Led by Björn Höcke, "The Wing" developed close ties to neo-Nazi elements and engaged in activities deemed to be in direct violation of the German constitution. Though the faction officially disbanded in March 2021, many of its estimated 7,000 members remained politically active within the Alternative for Germany [see the Israeli leak of activists from the "Kach" party to legitimate parties].   For the first time since WWII, a German political party was placed under surveillance by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution. This move marked one of the most dramatic measures taken by a Western democracy to safeguard itself against the rise of far-right extremism – an approach often referred to as "defensive democracy" or, originally in German, "militant democracy."   An official announcement of government surveillance over a political party can significantly impact its public standing, influencing both official membership and voter support. This is why some right-wing parties are cautious about being labeled as "extremist." They often strategically position themselves in a gray area between right-wing extremism and national conservatism [see in the Israeli case, the "Likud" party]. To insulate themselves from accusations of extremism, these parties adopt coded language – phrasing their messages in ways that subtly convey radical views while maintaining a veneer of acceptability [see in the Israeli case "Otzma Yehudit" party].   However, there are occasions when party leaders or activists push beyond these carefully maintained boundaries and make statements that are explicitly extremist in nature [see in the Israeli case "Erase Huwara;" "Want to see Huwara burned and closed"].   When such incidents occur, the typical response is to claim that the remarks were taken out of context or that they were simply a case of "poor word choice." While such statements rarely lead to tangible consequences for those who make them, they often serve a strategic purpose – signaling to far-right supporters where the party truly stands ideologically.   The decision to monitor the party – which followed a two-year investigation and a report containing more than a thousand pages of evidence – allowed the office to listen to phone calls, tap other media outlets, and track the movements of party members. The party appealed the unprecedented move but lost.   In November 2019, Tino Chrupalla – a politician and member of the Bundestag since 2017 – was elected co-chair of the Alternative for Germany party, alongside Alice Weidel.   In March 2022, the Cologne Administrative Court upheld the Office for the Protection of the Constitution's assessment of unconstitutional activity. The judge ruled that the party could be classified as a "suspicious entity," and that the office was allowed to monitor its activists. Concerns were raised over growing radicalization, particularly among young activists. The president of the German Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution Thomas Haldenwang, stated that the party advocates racism and the expulsion of immigrants, and opposes the humiliation of the German nation.   The "wing" officially ceased operations in the spring of 2020, after the "Federal Agency for the Protection of the Constitution" defined it, in March 2020, as a body "with extreme right-wing positions that go against the free democratic order in the country," and began monitoring its activists, who were seen as "a danger to democracy" [see in the Israeli case the Lehava movement, led by Benzi Gopstein, against which such an official step has not yet been taken].   Alice Weidel has served, since late November 2019, as acting chairperson of the party. From February 2020 to July 2022 – as chairperson of the party in the state of Baden-Württemberg.   In late September 2021, the party won the elections with 10.3 percent of the vote. 79 of its members sat in the German parliament ( Bundestag ), for the second time after 2017 (when it won 12.6 percent of the vote), and in almost every state legislature.   The AfD posted its biggest wins in the former East Germany, where young people have been moving away from former industrial regions and rural areas to seek opportunities in cities.   In June 2023, the party's candidate won a decisive round of elections in Thuringia in eastern Germany, the capital of the state of Thuringia – one of the 16 states that make up Germany.   In September 2024, the Alternative for Germany party won most of the vote in elections held in Thuringia, the capital of the state of Thuringia, for the first time since the end of WWII. Furthermore, the party came in second place in elections held in the state of Saxony, also located in eastern Germany.   In November 2024, Chancellor Olaf Schulz announced that he would submit a motion of no confidence to the Bundestag. On January 15, 2025.   In mid-January 2025, Weidel was elected as her party's candidate for chancellor in the German federal election, ahead of the February elections. Weidel, 46, is a politician and business consultant. She has worked, among others, at the banks Goldman Sachs and Credit Suisse. During her studies, she spent time in China (where she earned her Ph.D. in the area of pension systems) and learned Mandarin.   The Christian Democratic Party won the election, recording a significant increase in its strength. Likewise, the Alternative for Germany party, which more than doubled its strength in the Bundestag. The Social Democratic Party lost about a third of its strength.   Following the results, the Christian Democratic Party received 28.5 percent of the vote (208 seats in the Bundestag). Alternative for Germany won 20.8 percent of the vote (152 seats).   Alternative and the Israeli context Party status:  Twelve years after the founding of Alternative for Germany – an unprecedented event in the German political landscape – the party has become an integral part of political life in the federation [see in the Israeli case "Otzma Yehudit"]. The party drew its voters from conservative and bourgeois circles in the west of the country. Today, most of its voters come from East Germany, and from economically depressed areas, where citizens are characterized by low education, a sense of socio-economic deprivation, and anger toward the "parties of the old system" These voters were irritated [as happened in Israel] by the rapid changes in society and culture, and therefore responded favorably to the patty's rhetoric and programs.   The steady radicalization of Alternative for Germany's positions has only increased its popularity. Despite this trend, its members have headed important committees of the legislature and have appeared extensively in the mass media [see in the Israeli "Otzma Yehudit" and "HaBayt Hayehudi"].   Positions of the party on Israel: In late April 2023, Alexander Gauland, leader of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, asserted that the Jewish community in Germany had no reason to fear his party. He stated, "We are not an anti-Semitic party, and we do not have an anti-Semitic program... I find it difficult to understand why the Jewish community would criticize a right-wing nationalist party."   In early January 2025, Gauland addressed the war between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, declaring that the official position of Alternative for Germany was one of support for Israel. "We must recognize the starting point: Israel was attacked in the most barbaric way. Anyone who beheads women or men renounces any right to tolerance." He further emphasized, "We stand firmly with Israel. I know that the establishment of Israel was not ideal by today's standards, but it is the only democracy in the Middle East and shares our values – not only in foreign policy, but in life itself." Gauland underscored Germany's historical responsibility, stating, "We have a moral obligation as Germans. After we murdered six million Jews, we must support the survivors who founded this state, because we killed their ancestors."   In mid-January 2025, following pressure from Elon Musk – who had posted on X (formerly Twitter) that "Alternative for Germany is the only party that can save the country" – Alice Weidel, co-leader of the party, publicly expressed unconditional support for Israel's right to exist and defend itself.   Reactions from the Left: Following local elections in early September 2024, the Israeli newspaper Davar reported, "For the first time since Hitler's rise to power, the far right has won regional elections in Germany: Alternative for Germany has secured victory." It was noted that this was the first time the party had won over a third of the votes and that, since the Nazi Party’s rise to power in 1933, no far-right party had won a free election in Germany. It elaborated that   German Chancellor Olaf Scholz responded by urging all political parties to refuse any coalition with Alternative for Germany. Expressing his concerns over the party's growing influence, he stated, "Our country must not grow accustomed to this. Alternative for Germany is harming our nation – it weakens the economy, divides society, and damages our international reputation."   Before the last general election, in late February 2023, left-wing sources in Israel emphasized that "hundreds of thousands demonstrated across Germany against fascism," in reaction to increasing cooperation between the conservative bloc and the far right. This followed a controversial parliamentary vote in which the conservative party aligned with Alternative for Germany to pass a bill tightening immigration and asylum regulations. The vote marked a breaking of the traditional "firewall" ( Brandmauer ) that had previously isolated AfD from mainstream political collaboration [a development that had already occurred in other countries]. The conservative-backed law aimed at preventing illegal immigration passed by a narrow margin – 348 votes to 345 – thanks to AfD's support.   An opinion piece in Haaretz  took a critical stance, declaring that "under the auspices of Musk and Trump, the Israeli government is training the new Nazis in Germany." The article claimed that "Israel's silence in the face of the far right, coupled with its defense of Musk, marks a crucial milestone in legitimizing Germany's far-right resurgence [just as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu previously did with the "Otzma Yehudit" party in Israel.]   Reactions from the Right: Following the release of exit polls, the Srugim news site headlined its report: "Germany's Elections: An Unprecedented Victory for the Right-Wing Parties." The article explained that "If the final results align with the exit polls, this marks a political upheaval in Germany, which, since WWII, has been predominantly left leaning. Now, the two largest parties in parliament – comprising nearly half of the seats – will be major right-wing factions, with a strong likelihood of forming a ruling coalition."   The Mida website also argued that Israel should proactively engage with parties like Alternative for Germany. "The longer Israel delays opening channels of communication with parties such as AfD, the weaker their interest in Israel will become," the article stated. It further noted that "nationalist politics prioritize the advancement of each country’s self-interest. If Israel does not make it clear that it is strategically important to other nations, its international standing will continue to erode – even if Trump remains a strong supporter of Israel for the next four years."   After the official results of the German general election were announced, right-wing media outlets enthusiastically celebrated the "amazing results," and the expectation that Friedrich Merz, leader of the Christian Democratic Party, would be elected as Germany's next Chancellor, replacing Olaf Scholz. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu extended his congratulations to the newly elected leader, stating, "Looking forward to working closely with the new government."   Right-wing media figures also emphasized Merz's strong pro-Israel stance, highlighting his "unwavering support" for the country. They noted that he had harshly criticized the Biden administration over its handling of military aid and had publicly declared that "Germany is committed to providing weapons to Israel without any conditions."   It is important to note that, in contrast to Meretz's firm stance, the Alternative for Germany party found itself embroiled in internal conflict over the issue of support for Israel. Following the Hamas attacks, the party's co-leader, Tino Chrupalla, expressed his "condolences to both sides" and advocated for an immediate ceasefire. During a debate held in December 2024, he directly criticized Chancellor Schulz, who had approved arms exports worth 150 million euros to Israel over the past year. "With the arms shipments you authorized for Israel, you are actively contributing to the killing on both sides. Rather than fostering de-escalation, you are exacerbating the situation by adding fuel to the fire," Chrupalla asserted. He further emphasized that Germany should cease supplying weapons to war zones, including Israel.   The emergence of Donald Trump and the worldwide populist wave has had a key impact in influencing the AfD's political rhetoric and approach. Channel 14 reported, in this context that "U.S. President Donald Trump congratulated the results of the German elections, calling it 'a great day,' and declaring that 'Germans are fed up with the illogical agenda'."   The Channel 7 website raised a provocative question in its headline: "After the Elections – Mass Deportation of Immigrants from Germany?" The article detailed a series of controversial policy proposals outlined by Alice Weidel, who had pledged that if her party achieved a significant victory and became part of the governing coalition, it would implement drastic measures. According to the report, Weidel vowed: "We will close Germany's borders for 100 days, deport immigrants regardless of their citizenship status, resume purchasing gas from Russia, withdraw from the Paris Climate Agreement, abolish the euro currency, and establish a new confederation of states in Germany." She further promised to "abandon the EU's asylum system for immigrants and dismiss professors of gender studies."   The article also referenced Björn Uwe Höcke, the party's leader in Thuringia, who is ideologically aligned with Weidel. It was noted that Weidel had already stated her intention to appoint him to a senior government position should she become Chancellor. Höcke has drawn repeated criticism for his past remarks, including referring to the Holocaust memorial in Berlin as a "monument of shame."   The ultra-Orthodox website Behadrei Haredim described the election outcome as "a huge achievement for the far-right party in Germany and a blow to the Chancellor – an outright victory for Israel-loving conservatives."   Conclusion:  After the great admiration for the Hungarian model, the fascination with the American model, and perhaps the German one as well, is rising accordingly.   Apparently, the rise of the AfD is consistent with a larger pattern in Europe where far-right, nationalist, and populist groups have benefited from comparable concerns: national identity and immigration policy. (National identity is no less an issue in Israel). In Europe, many far-right parties have taken over national governments or joined ruling coalitions (as in Israel). However, the fate of the Alternative for Germany party will not necessarily be like that of the Kahanist Otzma Yehudit in Israel.   In Europe, many far-right parties have taken over national governments or joined ruling coalitions (as in Israel). However, the fate of the Alternative for Germany party will not necessarily be like that of the Kahanist Otzma Yehudit in Israel.   At the same time, an increasing number of European countries appear to be challenging what has long been considered a political taboo: cooperation between mainstream parties and far-right parties. In many cases, local government-level cooperation paves the way for their inclusion in national coalitions. As authoritarian populist parties gain more seats, efforts to boycott them may backfire on other parties. Such exclusionary policies seemingly reinforce the far-right's narrative that it represents the will of the people against the corrupt elites of the mainstream. Unlike the current situation in Germany, some leaders of other hardline countries on the continent are being forced to reconsider their positions, though they have not yet reached the point of forming formal coalitions with these parties.   After the election results were announced, Weidel was quick to declare that her party was open to coalition negotiations with Merz, and that it was ready to enter the government. "Our hand will always be extended to take part in the government, in order to realize the will of the people, the will of the state." She emphasized that "without such cooperation, no policy change will be possible in Germany."   On the contrary, mainstream parties, such as the conservative, CSU, the liberal FDP, the center-left SPD, and the Greens, have all decided to keep the AfD out of coalition talks since its ascent. The party and its members have been accused of racism, extremism, historical revisionism, and ties to neo-Nazi groups while portraying itself as a champion of free speech and national sovereignty.   At the national level, the AfD has also been deliberately barred from crucial parliamentary seats. The AfD has consistently been refused vice-presidential positions or committee chairmanships in the Bundestag, in contrast to other opposition parties that typically hold these positions. These steps have restricted its capacity to impact legislation beyond vocal opposition and symbolic demonstrations.   Merz, for his part, said a few days after his election that he was interested in forming a coalition with the Social Democrats, which finished the general elections in third place. He said, "The result of the Alternative for Germany is a signal to the democratic bloc to find common ground as soon as possible." The Chancellor-designate warned against the Alternative for Germany party, saying it is "a party that is not interested in solutions, and lives on the basis of problems."   Following a policy of cordon sanitaire  (French: "sanitary cordon") – the refusal of the major political parties to cooperate with the AfD, because they perceived its strategies as unacceptable or extremist – the AfD is still politically isolated despite its electoral success, which has allowed it to gain representation in the Bundestag and each of the 16 state parliaments.   All in all, as apparent from the Israeli example, the future in Germany is not ascertained. In a possible coalition government by 2029, Weidel may find herself in the front of a new political period, when right-wing populism becomes an essential component of government, if her forecasts indeed come to pass and the AfD keeps expanding its political footprint.   Germany, a nation famed for its centrist politics and dedication to liberal democratic values and norms, would then see a significant change in its political landscape. A future administration led by the AfD may deviate from its post-war consensus and drive the nation towards more nationalist policies – hopefully not as extreme as that we experience in Israel today. Epilogue In early April 2025, the conservatives and the Social Democrats reached an agreement for a new government in Germany, led by Chancellor Friedrich Merz. In Accordance with Section 27A of the Copyeight Law

Background In early June 2024, the District Court of Jerusalem, sitting as a Court of Criminal Appeals, delivered its verdict in the case of Benzi Gopstein.   According to the ruling, the chairman of the "Lehava – The Prevention of Assimilation in the Holy Land" was convicted of racial incitement. At the same time, he was acquitted of four charges: terrorism and violence incitement.   Gopstein responded on his X page: "That's it! According to the Israeli court, I am not a racist."   The New Statement On February 25, 2025, Gopstein published the following statement online: "Everyone is now talking about revenge, to eliminate, to destroy… Enough talk, it's time for action."   To ensure the context remains clear, it should be noted that the very next day, Gopstein shared a post by his associate, Otzma Yehudit party member Yitzhak Kreuzer (son of Rabbi Yehuda Kreuzer, who has headed the Yeshiva of the Jewish Idea, named after Rabbi Kahane, since its founding in 1987). Kreuzer the younger quoted: "But if you do not drive out the inhabitants of the land, those you allow to remain will become barbs in your eyes and thorns in your sides. They will give you trouble in the land where you will live. (Numbers 33:55). This verse is one of the most closely associated with Rabbi Meir Kahane.   Analysis According to the Auxiliary Tests It's worth asking: what "auxiliary tests" might the court apply in evaluating Gopstein's latest statement?   The District Court had outlined these auxiliary tests in its earlier decision on the Gopstein case.   Regarding the test for the content of the words, the phrasing here is unequivocal: "it's time for action."   As for the test asking whether the content includes a real call to violent action, the message is again quite clear: "to eliminate, to destroy."   It is difficult in this case to argue that the speaker "did not call for a violation of the law or an act of terrorism." At the very least, the call appears to violate the Law of War, which fall under International Humanitarian Law (and have been, to some degree, incorporated into Israeli law, even though Israeli legislation does not explicitly outlaw War Crimes).   Regarding the test of who may be affected by the action, unlike in prior charges brought before the District Court, there is no reservation in Gopstein's words – no qualification that limits the harm to "uninvolved."   The Final Test As for the test concerning the probability element – whether there is a real possibility the declaration will lead to violent acts – the matter becomes more complex.   Nonetheless, the District Court previously emphasized the importance of the "public atmosphere," which is notably more volatile now than ever before. For instance, in mid-February 2025, Gopstein responded to a statement by U.S. President Donald Trump with the words: "All Hell Breaks Loose Now."   Moreover, in evaluating probability, the public status of the speaker must be factored in. Gopstein's influence – particularly over certain substantial segments of the public – is clear. This is bolstered by the fact that he heads a relatively popular extremist political movement, serves at the headquarters of the Otzma Yehudit party, and effectively acts as a senior advisor to Minister of National Security Itamar Ben-Gvir.   The auxiliary test concerning the scope of publication and intended audience also aligns with the probabilistic element. As of late March 2025, Gopstein's page on X had 356 users on the Watch List and 2,603 Followers.   Gopstein's statement did not go unnoticed – it sparked numerous responses. One responder offered a cynical response, suggesting the call to action would run into political resistance: "Bibi is not made of the stuff needed to carry out real revenge on the enemy (Nakba). If Ben-Gvir and Smotrich allow Bibi to rule, there will be no revenge on the enemy" (In mid-February 2025, Gopstein himself posted: "Bibi does not have the courage to accept Trump's plan, and he will continue to release terrorists.")   These broader public statements also correspond with an additional auxiliary test – "responsibility for publication." Unlike in cases where it could be claimed that the speaker had no control over the platform, here the statements were made directly on Gopstein’s own page X. (Arguments like those made by Baruch Marzel in his disqualification hearing before the High Court, that he is unfamiliar with the Internet and that others manage the page on his behalf, appear unconvincing in this context).   A Principled Position My approach to reviewing "incitement" is generally consistent with that presented over the years by the late Justice Eliahu Mazza. Thus, for example, in the case of Edo Alba v. The State of Israel, September 24, 1996 [in which a ruling was given, for the first time in Israel, for violating the law prohibiting the publication of incitement to racism, and in which the High Court of Justice determined that the article published by the rabbi on "Laws of Killing a Gentile" expressed a clear and unambiguous message of incitement to racism, and that it contained a significant concern for the public's safety, and as a result of which Rabbi Alba was sentenced to two years in prison], Justice Mazza held that: "From the reference to Section 144B(b) of the law, it can be learned that this is a purely behavioral offense. Not only does the definition of the offense not include any consequential element, but the wording of the negative requires that the exclusion of the offense is not also conditional on the existence of a probability of the result. An advertisement that includes incitement to racism may constitute an offense of incitement to racism, even if it does not entail any apparent risk. This is a behavioral offense. In retrospect, the question of whether the advertisement incites racism or not is not important. In retrospect, awareness of the possibility of harm to the public against whom the advertisement incites should not be required. The protected social value is the prevention of the incitement itself. In offenses of the type in question, the definition of which does not include a consequential risk, there is no room for the application of a probability test. Its inclusion by way of case law would narrow the scope of the criminal prohibition."   Judge Mazza clarified that: "The inclusion of probability at the level of 'real possibility' among the elements of the offense of incitement imposes an unbearably heavy obligation on the prosecution. Applying the probability test to offenses of this type ties the hands of the prosecution and deters it from taking criminal action against those who abuse freedom of expression to publish things that incite violence and terrorism."   In a personal conversation I had with former Judge Mazza (mid-February 2017), he reminded me of his remarks in the additional criminal hearing in the Binyamin Kahane case (2000), in which he referred to "the stability of the regime and the strength of democracy." He then stated that: "Israeli democracy is stronger today than it was when the state was founded. Democratic values, which had received only scant protection, have become established and strengthened. For decades, the trend of establishing the democratic framework of the state, of strengthening it and expanding it continued."   In contemporary observation, at the time of our conversation, the former judge was no longer sure that he was right in this statement, and pointed to a mortal danger to Israeli democracy, and even the possibility of a fascist [or, in my opinion, authoritarian populist] takeover.   Irreversibility The term "irreversibility" is contrast to "reversibility" – "a series of reversals that return the situation to its original state."   However, in Gopstein's case, "the situation in its original state" is actually the root of the problem [for example, in the book of Amos, 2:9 it says: "Yet, I destroyed his fruit from above, and his roots from beneath.]   Suffice it to mention that the extended panel of nine justices, headed by the President of the Supreme Court in Israel, Esther Hayut, decided at the time to disqualify Gopstein from running for the Knesset of Israel. The Supreme Court of Israel, sitting as The High Court of Justice, ruled that Gopstein's statements over the years were as a whole "a new low point in racist discourse, the likes of which we have never known before." In their ruling, they noted that Gopstein "systematically incites racism against the Arab public, in a manner that is far beyond the forbidden zone of incitement to racism." Photography: Idan Yaron

A farm wrapped in cellophane – straight to your doorstep. The "Farms Association" has launched an "all-inclusive" sales campaign, spanning the entirety of Judea and Samaria – and perhaps even beyond.   Watch the campaign video   A full year ago, in mid-March 2024, Minister Orit Struck foresaw that "farm settlers are at the forefront of the campaign for the land."   By mid-December 2024, Minister Bezalel Smotrich shared the following post on X: "Pioneers! The farm workers are the "Tower and Stockade" [a settlement method used by Zionist settlers in the Mandatory Palestine during the 1936-1939 Arab Revolt] of our time; the elite unit in the struggle for open areas. As part of the effort to prevent the establishment of a Palestinian State and, preserve our national lands, the farm workers are standing firm. I visited [two farms]… The visit underscored the importance of continuing to support the farm enterprise as a central pillar in strengthening the Zionist hold on Judea and Samaria and ensuring the future of settlement. Farm workers, particularly along the eastern seam and in other strategic areas, form a defensive security line for the settlements. We are actively working to strengthen this important enterprise and will do much more to expand it and equip it with the necessary tools to continue its Zionist mission. The visit was held alongside professionals and was joined by veterans and activists of the Farm Union… The people of Israel salute you!"   On March 10, 2025, a radical organization of formerly IDF officers weighed in: "Agricultural farms are an ideal method for holding and protecting vast areas with minimal resources." They invited us to reconsider the common perception: "Contrary to the prevailing image, agricultural farms are not subversive – they are a vital part of Israel's security, social, and educational efforts, based on a clear national strategy." And, as they claim, "the achievements speak for themselves: Today, there are over 100 agricultural farms guarding more than 600 thousand dunams of state land in Judea and Samaria. This enterprise covers an area more than twice the size of all existing towns and cities in the region combined." The bottom line? "Since the outbreak of the Iron Swords War, at least 15 new farms have been established in the area."   On March 20, 2025, Makor Rishon site proudly reported that a "new agricultural initiative in Judea and Samaria" had resulted in "over 70 farms." The campaign, launched by the 'Farm Union,' aims to 'recruit as many small donors as possible – expanding not only financial backing but also the circle of human support around the farmers." The identities of the "big" donors remain unknown.   Enjoy your new purchase!

Foreword On March 19, 2025, two months after resigning from the government, Itamar Ben-Gvir once again swore his allegiance oath. During the minister's oath of allegiance, all opposition members left the plenary session in protest Oath of Allegiance of the Minister of National Security, Itamar Ben-Gvir, Knesset Channel – Iמ accordance to Section 27A of the Copyright Law Oath of Allegiance The "Oath of Allegiance," recognized in Israel and around the world, is a ceremonial declaration of loyalty. According to Article 14 of the Basic Law: The Government, the Prime Minister must swear the following oath: "I undertake, as Prime Minister, to remain loyal to the State of Israel and its laws, to faithfully fulfill my duties as Prime Minister, and to uphold the decisions of the Knesset."   A minister, such as Itamar Ben-Gvir, is required to swear a similar oath:"I undertake, as a member of the government, to remain loyal to the State of Israel and its laws, to faithfully fulfill my duties as a member of the government, and to uphold the decisions of the Knesset."   Echoes of the Past The inauguration of Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, coinciding with the renewed conflict in the Gaza Strip, evoked memories of a similar event involving his mentor, Rabbi Meir Kahane, more than 40 years ago.   Rabbi Kahane served only one term in the Knesset (the Eleventh Knesset, August 1984–November 1988). He did not achieve the same high-ranking status as his protégé, who went on to become a government minister, despite Kahane's declared ambition "to be Prime Minister of Israel."   The Office of the State Attorney later noted (in the context of Baruch Marzel's disqualification from running in the elections for the Sixteenth Knesset) that upon Kahane's election to the Knesset, "he and his movement intensified their racist activities. Kahane published and disseminated his ideas in writing, used the Knesset platform to deliver inflammatory speeches against the country's Arab citizens, circulated bills with racist content, claimed the right to spread his racist ideology through state media, abused his parliamentary immunity, and incited conflict among Arab residents during visits to their communities, attempting to 'persuade' them to leave Israel."   Following the disqualification of his movement – based on Section 7a of the Basic Law: The Knesset, enacted specifically for this purpose – and in an election appeal to the Supreme Court (1/88, October 18, 1988), the Court rejected the appeal with the following determination: "What brings enmity and discord and deepens division – a call for the violent denial of rights, for the systematic and deliberate humiliation of defined segments of the population identified on a national-ethnic basis, and for their degradation in a way horrifyingly reminiscent of the worst examples experienced by the Jewish people – all of these are sufficient, based on the extensive material submitted to us, to substantiate a conclusion of incitement to racism. The intensity of the appellant's actions, the extremism in his presentations, and the serious distortion of the character of the state and its institutions resulting from these actions collectively give them the overwhelming severity sufficient to uphold The Central Elections Committee's decision." Photograph from the National Library Collection – in accordance with Section 27A of the Copyright Law At his very first Knesset session (August 13, 1984), Rabbi Kahane deviated from protocol. When called, like all other members, to swear allegiance as required by Section 14 of the Basic Law: The Knesset, he responded to the oath by declaring, "I pledge," and immediately added the verse: "I will always obey your law, for ever and ever" (Psalms 119:44). His addition caused a commotion in the plenary hall. However, after a brief discussion, the Speaker of the Knesset accepted the oath "out of doubt," citing precedents where members had added "I pledge, with God's help," which had not been considered a breach of protocol.   Rabbi Kahane himself "removed the doubt" about two years later, when he was sued to renounce his American citizenship on the grounds that someone who swore allegiance to a foreign country could not be a citizen of the United States. The rabbi – whose ties to the United States were no less, and perhaps even stronger, profound than those to Israel, where he found an attentive ear and open wallets – argued in a court in the United States that he had not sworn the Knesset oath, as it was prescribed; this was to reflect his opinion that his primary responsibility was to the laws of God.   When it became clear to the Speaker of the Knesset, Shlomo Hillel – a staunch opponent of Rabbi Kahane, who had abhorred his path from the beginning – that the rabbi's intention was to condition his loyalty to the laws of the state on them not being in conflict with the laws of the Torah, he sought the opinion of the Attorney General at the time, and of others. In accordance with their opinion, the Speaker of the Knesset invited Rabbi Kahane to swear his loyalty oath anew. At this stage (June 16, 1987), Rabbi Kahane filed a petition with the High Court of Justice. He requested that the Supreme Court grant him relief by ordering the Speaker of the Knesset to provide a reason why he would not cancel his intention to call him to swear again.   Before the date set for the hearing of the petition (early June 1987), Rabbi Kahane complied with the Speaker of the Knesset's invitation; but after reading the text of the oath, contained in Section 14, Rabbi Kahane returned and declared – as he had announced in advance – in the same form as before, with the addition of the aforementioned ruling from the Psalms. The Speaker of the Knesset immediately ruled that "the oath was null and void and was judged to be an invalid declaration. Therefore, [Rabbi Kahane] will be deprived of his rights, and he will not be able to act as a member of Knesset."   The High Court of Justice (400/87, June 29, 1987) ruled: "The addition of a verse from the Book of Psalms, with the hidden intention of placing the law of the Torah above the laws of the state, is an invalid act, and even tainted with dishonesty, which is not befitting the behavior of an elected member of the people." Therefore, the court required Rabbi Kahane – if he wanted to be a member of Knesset – to take the oath of allegiance again properly. With the rejection of his petition, Rabbi Kahane was forced to take the oath of allegiance again – this time without additions.   Many members of Knesset saw Rabbi Kahane as a scoundrel out of disgust, and they used to walk out of the plenary while he was speaking – as they did at the oath of allegiance, of his protégé, Itamar Bo-Gvir, these days. Because of this predicament, Rabbi Kahane was often required to use the expression, "Mr. Chairman, empty Knesset."   Amendments Requested for the Oath of Allegiance The procedures for the oath of allegiance of KM were set forth in the law (1994), as follows: "The Speaker of the Knesset, or the acting Speaker of the Knesset, shall read the oath of allegiance to the KM, and each of them shall stand up, one by one, and declare: 'I pledge.'"   In Amendment No. 23 (1996), it was stipulated – following accumulated experience – in Section 15 that "(a) a member of the Knesset shall declare allegiance… (b) the procedures for the oath shall be determined by law." Section 16 specifically stipulated, regarding "failure to declare:" "If the Speaker of the Knesset calls on a MK to swear allegiance, and the member fails to do so, the member shall not enjoy the rights of a MK as long as he has not declared."   The Qualification of the Kahanist Movement and Minister Ben-Gvir's Oath of Allegiance Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu qualified the Otzma Yehudit party – and by implication the entire Kahanist movement – ​​by including it in his coalition.   Benjamin Netanyahu has pledged, time and again, that Itamar Ben-Gvir will not serve as a minister in the government he forms. For example, in a television interview (mid-February 2021), Netanyahu stated firmly that "Itamar Ben-Gvir is not qualified to be a minister... He can be many things, but he will not be a minister." At the same time, Ben-Gvir himself later claimed that senior Likud party officials told him that if he agreed to enter a government with Mansour Abbas [An Israeli Arab politician, leader of the United Arab List and representative of the party in the Knesset], he could "accept any ministerial position in the State of Israel, except for the Minister of Defense, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Minister of Finance, and the Minister of Justice." These promises of positions are more indicative than anything of the legitimization process that Itamar Ben-Gvir underwent at the hands of the Prime Minister.   Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu exerted heavy pressure to ensure the connection between the Otzma Yehudit party and Bezalel Smotrich's Religious Zionist Party, thereby ensuring Itamar Ben-Gvir's entry into the Knesset. His involvement was not marginal, but truly decisive. He pushed with all his might for the union and even offered Bezalel Smotrich portfolios in the government and one seat from the Likud list in exchange for his agreement.   Likud spokesman Yonatan Urich issued a statement (mid-February 2021), which stated: "Itamar Ben-Gvir is not running alone. He is part of Religious Zionism. It is our partner and will be in a coalition with us when he forms a fully right-wing government." According to Itamar Ben-Gvir himself, even earlier, "Netanyahu pushed for us to be there, and expressed his voice time and again that we should be part of this bloc."   This position of Netanyahu was fundamentally different from that of another Likud prime minister, Yitzhak Shamir, who said upon Rabbi Meir Kahane's entry into the Knesset that he was a "dangerous figure." While Yitzhak Shamir sent a message that Rabbi Meir Kahane's ideas were not legitimate as part of the social and political discourse in Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu went a long way to normalize those ideas and perceptions, and brought them in through the front door, as part of the legitimate public discourse in Israeli society.   Finally, as a minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir is required to uphold the commitment "to remain loyal to the State of Israel and its laws." This is a challenge whose fulfillment, in practice, requires proof.

A professional assessment of the social and political reality in Israel, based on an in-depth sociological and anthropological analysis with a specific focus on military ethics, leads to two central conclusions. Together, these conclusions define the optimal parameters for protest and public struggle currently.   First Moral-Ethical Imperative – The Return of the Abductees The ongoing national effort to return all abductees – without delay – must remain the top priority. This imperative is deeply rooted in both ethical principles and Jewish tradition, which upholds the value: "Whosoever saves a life, it is as though he had saved the entire world." This principle is also a cornerstone of Israel's democratic-liberal ethos. Additionally, the value of "camaraderie," is a fundamental pillar of The Spirit of the IDF, underscores the state's duty to protect its citizens and act decisively to save them. The founding document of the IDF explicitly states: "An IDF soldier will operate out of commitment and devotion to their fellow soldiers. The soldier will always extend other servicemembers a helping hand when they need assistance or depend on it, and they will do so despite any difficulty or risk." Ignoring or eroding this value would impose a heavy social and moral cost on Israeli society.   The value of "camaraderie" is not merely a military principle but a societal framework that shapes the moral and ethical resilience of Israeli society. Failure to uphold this imperative would leave an enduring scar on the nation's collective conscience.   Second Moral-Ethical Imperative – Preserving the Democratic Regime While the return of the abductees remains paramount, the broader struggle unfolding in Israel is inherently political. The main threat to the continuation of a liberal democracy in Israel is Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the government he leads, which is ideologically aligned with the radical and extremist right – marked by messianic and racist tendencies.   A socio-political analysis of the current government's power dynamics reveals that these extremist factions will not act as a moderating force. On the contrary, they will continue to push for actions that undermine democratic institutions and the rule of law. This trend aligns with a broader global phenomenon – the rise of authoritarian populism – which poses a serious threat to liberal democracies worldwide.   A critical examination of the government's rhetoric exposes a stark contrast between its stated goal of "restoring balance" to the democratic system and its actual policies, which systematically weaken democratic institutions and constitutional processes. The dissonance between declarations about strengthening democracy and actions that erode it is a clear symptom of a deep regime crisis.   Combining Moral-Ethical Imperatives and Strategic Action The integration of these moral imperatives leads to an unmistakable operational conclusion: public protest must coalesce around a single, concrete objective – the removal of the current government and the call for new elections . Without this, the likelihood of securing the safe return of the abductees nullifies.   An effective strategy requires the formation of a broad coalition of social forces –including politicians, opinion leaders, business leaders, religious figures, and other key sectors. This coalition should adopt a unified, resolute message that seamlessly combines the two moral imperatives into one overarching goal.   Social cohesion around a common cause, supported by a clear and unified message, significantly increases the likelihood of meaningful socio-political change. The proposed paradigm – "all or nothing", commemoration or chaos – reflects a strategic understanding of how socio-political transformations occur and what conditions are necessary for the success of public protest during a national crisis. Photography: Idan Yaron *  An abbreviated version of this article was published on the "War Room" website on 20.3.2025.

The "Fighting for Life" website – "which provides security, intelligence, logistical, and informational support to the residents of Judea and Samaria, aiming to prevent future massacres and draw lessons from the tragedy in the south to enhance security for residents in farms, hills, towns, and cities" – marked the event "Two years since the murder of brothers Hallel and Yagel Yaniv" (who were victims of a terror attack in the village of Huwara, on Highway 60, on February 26, 2023).   The horrific attack warrants harsh condemnation, but such condemnation must not translate into "counterterrorism," implemented by unauthorized civilians.   The so-called "simple and correct demand" by the Hilltop Youth to "wipe out Huwara" is nothing short of criminal.   Hilltop Youth News, Purin, 3.3.2032 – In accordance with Section 27A of the Copyright Law Particularly alarming is the assertion that "this may sound unrealistic, but in Gaza, we have seen that when we want – we can." I have repeatedly warned about the "Gazaization of the West Bank."   A few days later, the following message was published on the "Fighting for Life" website: "18 months have passed since the terrible massacre. We will never forget the evil, the cruelty, and the martyred saints. We will always remember the vow we made to ourselves during those dark days: 'You shall wipe out the memory of Amalek from under heaven; you must not forget.' Our resurrection is incomplete without justice!" KM Tzvika Fogel (Otzma Yehudit), chairman of the National Security Committee, was investigated by the police for his remarks immediately following the attack. The probe was initiated with the approval of the government's legal advisor. Fogel openly praised the retaliatory attack – adequately described as a "pogrom" – by the Hilltop Youth in Huwara.   In an interview with Galei Israel radio, Fogel stated: "We are ending our hesitation regarding collective punishment because it does not align with the expectations of various courts. I am taking off the gloves. A terrorist came from Huwara – Huwara should be shut down and burned. That is what I want to see. That is the only way to achieve deterrence. If we continue with restraint, we will not succeed in deterrence. If we stop settlement, we will not achieve sovereignty."   In another interview, with Galei Tzahal Radio, Fogel added: "The deterrence achieved following those [pogroms] has not been achieved by the State of Israel since Operation Defensive Shield in Judea and Samaria. I view it very positively because, in Huwara, they have now understood that there is a balance of terror – one that the IDF is currently failing to establish. I want the IDF to establish it. I want to see every place from which terrorists emerge 'metaphorically burning.'"   As a result, Fogel was investigated for inciting terrorism. He underwent lengthy questioning, but the case was closed after 14 months, without any explanation for its dismissal.   Fogel's remarks, along with statements from other public figures, facilitated the dangerous escalation. The Deputy Head of the Samaria Regional Council, Davidi Ben Zion, similarly posted on Facebook: "The miracle that occurred two days ago did not happen today. At the very same location where a girl was injured by a stone-throwing attack, two innocent Samaria residents were murdered just an hour ago." He went on to declare: "Huwara must be erased. This place is a nest of terror, and the punishment must be collective. Enough with the empty rhetoric about 'developing' and 'strengthening' the settlement."   The call to "erase Huwara and all terrorist villages" is not merely a demand for retaliation – it flirts with the rhetoric of ethnic Domicide, if not outright Genocide. Such statements require a firm and unequivocal response from the authorities responsible for upholding the rule of law. Clearer red boundaries must be set to curb the growing tide of incitement for violence, racism, and terrorism. I strongly believe that leaders – especially religious leaders – must be held accountable for repeated incitement of incitement.   When such boundaries are not set, statements escalate – along with the intensity of incitement. In early March 2025, the following message was published in the chat of the "Fighting for Life" group: "For many years – bound by legal constraints, false morality, and tied hands – the IDF has risked soldiers in combat within enemy strongholds, refraining from decisively eliminating terror hubs. But the war in Gaza has shown that another approach is possible. Just as in Gaza, so too in Judea and Samaria, and wherever necessary: the time has come to let the 'heavy equipment' speak, to flatten the neighborhoods where terrorists operate and the villages from which stones are thrown – until the enemy surrenders." "Fighting for Life," In accordance with Section 27A of the Copyright Law   In Israel, senior religious figures and institutions rarely demonstrate unequivocal support for the rule of law – at least not when it conflicts with the Halakha  [the collective body of Jewish religious laws]. Some extremist rabbis do not merely oppose legal frameworks; they actively call for their abolition, even through violent means.   For instance, Rabbi Shmuel Eliyahu, the Chief Rabbi of Safed, addressed the pogrom in Huwara, stating: "Even if you burn twenty cars and twenty houses, you have not even begun [to exact the required revenge]... You must 'break the arm of the wicked' [Psalm 10:15] and 'blunt their teeth' [Passovers' Haggadah]... You are incapable of purging this filth." He then added: "Only God has the ability to avenge the blood of the murdered." Yet in his book about Hilchot Regarding War and Peace , he wrote: "A warrior must always remember that the name of God is revealed in his weapon. He must understand that his shot is a continuation of God's war against Amalek and all forces of evil in the world." He further clarifies: "It is imperative that before every war, we fully grasp the immense danger posed by the continued existence of this satanic people. We must understand that allowing them to survive will bring cries of sorrow for generations to come." In this context, it is worth recalling the words of Rabbi Moshe Blau, a leader of the Haredi community in Jerusalem and a prominent figure in Agudat Israel  (a major Haredi political party). Speaking about violence in the Jewish settlement, he warned: "To Jewish leaders: Although your hands have not shed blood, it is undeniable that you oppose acts of violence – let alone murder. However, you have not been careful about your words. When you know that there are young men prone to excessive extremism, and that any reckless statement you make may be interpreted as a call to mass behavior and encouragement of violence, you must choose your words wisely. Do not pour fuel on the fire of youthful zeal."   This historical caution remains as relevant today as ever. Leaders must recognize the power of their words, for when left unchecked, they can lead to destruction, violence, and anarchy. The rule of law must be upheld, defended, and reinforced – lest we allow fanaticism to dictate the future of our society. In accordance with Section 27A of the Copyright Law

The "Hilltop Youth News" group announced: "On the 31st anniversary of the rescue of the Jews of Hebron in the act of prevention, rescue, and revenge," we are calling for "good Jews" to visit Baruch Goldstein's grave in Kiryat Arba [an urban settlement on the outskirts of Hebron, un the southern West Bank] on Purim The Jewish holiday that commemorates the saving of the Jewish people from annihilation at the hands of an official of the Achaemenid Empire named Haman, as it is recounted in the Book of Esther].   Someone took care to point out that "for the first time in 31 years, Purim coincides with a Friday during the month of Ramadan [the ninth month of the Islamic calendar, observed by Muslims worldwide as a month of fasting and prayer]. The last time this occurred, Baruch Goldstein took a rifle and murdered 29 worshippers."   The "Hilltop Youth News" group's announcement further stated: "The evening will begin with evening prayers and the reading of the Megillah ["scroll"]. Afterwards, the [intoxicated] participants will arrive at a Purim party at Noam Federman 's farm."   Below, I will describe the event, and the investigative commission appointed in its wake. I will then address the question: Was the massacre carried out by Dr. Baruch Goldstein in the Cave of the Patriarchs predictable? I will also examine the consequences of the event from the perspective of the Kach and Kahana Hai movements and their activists. Finally, I will present two figures closely associated with Goldstein: Noam Federman  and Itamar Ben-Gvir .   The Incident on the Morning of Friday, February 25, 1994 Dr. Baruch Goldstein entered the Cave of the Patriarchs and massacred 29 people during prayer, injuring another 125. Muslim worshippers subdued and killed him.   Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin  appointed The Commission of Inquiry into the Massacre of the Tomb of the Patriarchs in Hebron (The Shamgar Commission – after its head Meir Shamgar, former President of the Supreme Court). The commission's mandate was to "investigate and determine findings and conclusions regarding the facts and circumstances related to the aforementioned massacre. The commission may also submit recommendations to the government following its findings and conclusions, as it deems appropriate."   The Ability to Foresee the Massacre Dr. Goldstein Goldstein was recognized by many as a "righteous man" and a "hero." The massacre he committed in the Cave of the Patriarchs was often perceived as an act that contradicted his reputation as "someone who showed kindness, compassion, and mercy to every person."   In the "Authors' Statement" at the beginning of the book Baruch Ha-Gever: In Memorial of Dr. Baruch Goldstein , published on Purim 5755 (one year after the massacre), the editors ( Michael Ben-Chorin , with assistance from Netanel Ozeri ,  Yoel Lerner , and Yosi Dayan ) were later tried and convicted of incitement to racism. The statement reads: "The more we delve into collecting material about the saint, the more a miraculous figure, out of this world, appeared before our astonished eyes. Great in stature, unique in his generation, all his actions for the sake of heaven." The authors concluded with the phrase: "May God avenge his blood!"   Rabbi Dov Lior  – then the rabbi of the Jewish community in Hebron and Kiryat Arba and now affiliated with the Otzma Yehudit party – stated that Dr. Goldstein "was a doctor and treated many cases, and it is possible that he lost his mind from what he saw."   Conversely, Rabbi Shlomo Aviner  – a national religious rabbi and disciple of Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Hacohen Kook – condemned the act but wrote that Dr. Goldstein "did not act out of personal feelings of revenge... He knew that what he was doing was dangerous, so he must be remembered as a righteous man, remembered as a holy man."   The Commission of Inquiry concluded that, prior to the massacre, intelligence agencies viewed Dr. Goldstein as someone who, despite his intense hatred of Arabs, "was not part of the hard and violent core of Kach activists expected to carry out attacks."   This raises questions: Could intelligence agencies have foreseen the "danger expected from him"? Was Dr. Goldstein – described by his followers as a man of great character and a miraculous figure – acting out of madness or temporary insanity (as implied by Rabbi Lior)? Or did he act consciously and calculatedly, "for the sake of heaven" and without personal feelings of revenge (as implied by Rabbi Aviner)?   It is worth recalling that when Dr. Goldstein was asked how his extremist views aligned with his medical practice, he replied with a biblical verse: "A time to kill and a time to heal" [Ecclesiastes 3:3]. Dr. Goldstein was an activist in Rabbi Meir Kahane's Jewish Defense League. After immigrating to Israel in 1982, he continued in this path and joined the movement Kahane founded, in 1971.   Dr. Goldstein ran for political office under the Kach movement, appearing third on the Kach list for the 1984 Knesset elections and running again in 1988. He was elected to the Kiryat Arba Council and served until mid-1993 when he resigned in favor of Baruch Marzel .   The Commission of Inquiry concluded that, in retrospect, Dr. Goldstein held "an extreme and fanatical view of the Kach movement, including advocacy for revenge and violent responses." According to the commission, he saw himself as "a messenger of the people of Israel, commanded to act according to the will of the Creator." His goal, they suggested, was to halt the peace process, which he viewed as a great danger. "He apparently sought an opportunity to carry out an extreme act that would draw global attention and stop the process."   Former judge Meir Shamgar later stated: "We have come to the conclusion that the assailant acted alone, without the assistance of anyone."   I am holding a folded sheet from the "Kiryat Arba Hebron Community Center" entitled "First Responses to the Heinous Murder of Rabbi Meir Kahane" (November 1990).   It turns out that even then – more than three years before the massacre carried out by Dr. Baruch Goldstein in the Cave of the Patriarchs – his extremist positions and support for acts of revenge against Arabs were explicitly stated.   The sheet contains statements by Rabbi Eliezer Waldman  [an Orthodox Rabbi and politician, who served as a MK for Tehiya between 1984 and 1990, and was the co-founder and President of Yeshivat Nir Kiryat Arba]; Zvi Katzover  [head of the Kiryat Arba Council]; Rabbi Moshe Levinger  [a Religious Zionist activist and an Orthodox Rabbi, who – since 1967 – had been a leading figure in the movement to settle Jews in the West Bank, specially known for leading the settlement in Hebron] ; MK Eliakim Haetzni  [a lawyer, settlement activist and politician who served as a KM for Tehiya from 1990 until 1992], and Meir Ben Gur , a member of the Local council.   At the left-hand side of the sheet are the words of Dr. Baruch Goldstein , a member of the Local Council, which I quote in full: "The people of Israel did not deserve to know the greatness of Rabbi Meir Kahane, who from his youth dedicated his life until his last day to bringing his generation out of the darkness of foreign cultures and instilling in them a Jewish identity and pride based on confidence in God and faith in the Torah of Israel. He was worthy to lead Israel; but apparently, our generation was not worthy of him. Many acts of revenge will come and be blessed, as befits any loss of Jewish life, and especially for this great and righteous loss . However, the imperative need (and not just as a slogan) after his passing is to increase the dissemination of his opinions and actions in both law and practice, and to continue to free ourselves from the improper pride and heartlessness that prevented many good people from receiving his messages during his lifetime. A day will come when Rabbi Kahane, will be recognized by all strata of the public as one of the greatest spiritual figures in the history of the Jewish people, and the words of the Sages will be fulfilled in him: 'Greater and more righteous in their death than in their life.' May his death atone for the sins of the generation, and may we soon attain the redemption he so longed for, while he is with us."   Authorities' Response to the Kahanist Movement Declaration of Terrorist Organizations : In March 1994, the Kach and Kahane Chai movements, along with their combinations or derivatives, were declared "terrorist organizations." The following is the text of the announcement, which remains in effect despite attempts to repeal it (notably by Itamar Ben-Gvir  and others):   "Declaration of the Kach and Kahane Chai movements, their combinations and derivatives as terrorist organizations:   The Ministerial Committee for National Security, by virtue of its authority under Section 8 of the Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance No 33 of 5708-1948, declares the following groups as terrorist organizations: (a) The Kach movement, whose main activists are currently Baruch Marzel , Noam Federman , and Tiran Pollak . (b) The Kahane Chai movement, whose main activists today are Benjamin Kahane , David Axelrod  [ Ha'ivry ], and Yekutiel Ben-Yaakov . This declaration applies to the aforementioned terrorist organizations, as well as to any group that acts to achieve similar goals using similar means, even if operating under different names or aliases, whether permanently or temporarily. The declaration also extends to any factions or mergers of the above organizations. Press release from the Kahane Chai movement immediately after the massacre (a copy is in my possession, courtesy of Yekutiel Ben-Yaakov) Translation "Purim event in Hebron: The members of Kahana Hai mourn the death of Saint Baruch Goldstein this morning at the Kiddush Hashem in Hebron. Blessed is the fate of Baruch Goldstein, who sanctified Hashem in his life, and even more so in his death, when he was killed in his time for carrying out exactly the deed of the Jews in Shushan, about whom it is said, 'The Jews struck down all their enemies with the sword, killing and destroying them, and they did what they pleased to those who hated them' [Esther 9:5]. May they be restored, denigrating the deeds of the true heroes of Israel. Shame on those who denigrate the heritage of the holiday of Purim. May we have a culture with them." [Yekutiel Ben-Yaakov, originally Mike Guzofsky, was Rabbi Meir Kahane's "operations officer," responsible for the movement's nighttime activities. The Anti-Defamation League (ADL), an American organization founded by B'nai B'rith, issued a report in late 1995 following the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. The report, titled Extremism in the Name of Religion: The Violent Documentation of the Kahane Movement and Its Offspring , frequently refers to Mike Guzofsky, describing him as "the head of the Kahane movement living in the United States."   Here is some of the testimony referring to him: February 1994, New York: Mike Guzofsky said, "Dr. Goldstein was the sweetest Jew who ever lived. He was a Jew imbued with love for the Jewish state and the Jewish people. He was a healthy Jew, who understood that the Arabs living in Hebron, and the Arabs living in Israel, were waging a holy war against the Jewish people and wanted to throw the Jews into the sea. He understood that the Arabs were our enemy." May 27, 1994, New York: During the annual Salute to Israel Parade, Mike Guzofsky and other members of his group held signs calling Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin a traitor and Dr. Baruch Goldstein a hero. In a bulletin he edited, Mike Guzofsky wrote: "On Purim 1994, 'Baruch the Jew' stood up and carried out a preventive action against Muslim worshippers in the Cave of the Patriarchs who threatened and planned to carry out a massacre against the Jews on that same Purim... As a result of the isolated action by the lone Jew acting on his own initiative, the Kach and Kahane Chai organizations are considered terrorist organizations due to their refusal to condemn the action and because they dared to praise 'Blessed is the Jew'"].   Arrests Following the massacre, many activists of the movement were arrested. In a special issue of "Administrative Detainees – Without Trial" by the Kahane Chai movement (September 1994), it was written: "In prison are the administrative detainees Baruch Marzel , Shmuel Ben-Yaakov  [secretary of the Kahane Chai movement in Jerusalem], Noam Federman , Baruch Ben-Yosef , and Benzi Gopstein . It all began, so it seems, on that Purim morning when Baruch Goldstein entered the Cave of the Patriarchs and took revenge on the Arabs... The earth trembled beneath it. The government implemented 'rules outside the rules:' administrative arrests, use of the the Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance, and the declaration of the Kahane Chai movement as a terrorist organization. Are the government's measures capable of preventing, or even removing, the possibility of such acts? The answer is clear: these measures only serve to push people further in this direction, simply out of a feeling of helplessness."   The "Organization for Jewish Rights in Israel" issued the following statement on behalf of the movements (September 1994): "Five opponents of the regime have been imprisoned for nearly six months. These individuals have been detained without trial and without knowledge of the charges against them. Two opposition parties, such as Kahana Hai, have been outlawed, and all their members have been designated as terrorists. Severe restrictions have been imposed on the central activists of these parties, including prohibitions on association membership. Additionally, significant limitations have been placed on their freedom of expression and movement within certain areas of the country. Weapons that had been provided for self-defense have been confiscated. Administrative arrests, political trials, office closures, the designation of political opponents as 'terrorists,' budget cuts, suppression of 'opposition' educational institutions, and dictatorship – this is merely the tip of the iceberg. Russia is here."   The Doctor's Song" was written by the administrative detainees while they were in prison (an original copy is in my possession, courtesy of Shmuel Ben-Yishai) Translation "The Doctor's Song Brothers sang the song of rebellion, \ A song of vengeance from a loving brother. \ The pain burns like an unyielding fire, \ A challenge for retribution ignites the heart. \ There was a hero of the homeland, \ A merciful doctor, a humble servant, \ A burning beacon of unwavering truth, \ Where even the dream of vengeance faded. \ The people sat and wept in mourningת, \ For a devoted and exalted son, \ Hebron was sanctified by suffering, \ The blood of the righteous consecrated you forever. \ An iron hand hardened the brow, \ Accept the oath of retribution. \ Blessed are you, Dr. Goldstein, \ You sanctified a name in Machpelah. (Independence 1994, Sharon Prison)" [ Shmuel Ben-Yishai  was the chairman of the "Road Safety Commission" after Baruch Marzel  and before Tiran Pollak . At the time, Shmuel Ben-Yishai  led the Kahane Hai faction in the Kiryat Arba council, a municipal extension of Kach. He named his daughter "Neama" and his son "Yigael Ami." Later, he was placed ninth on Kach's list for the 12th Knesset, which began its term in November 1988. Shmuel Ben-Yishai  was arrested after cursing IDF soldiers and wishing them "captivity," while they were evacuating the Federman Farm. In late October 2008, he was convicted of incitement following remarks in a television interview, where he praised Baruch Goldstein and Yigal Amir. He stated: "If you ask me whether there is a change in the attitude towards Baruch Goldstein's actions, I think there is only growing sympathy and understanding. More people see that this is the only solution that must be followed... Baruch Goldstein was a name and a symbol." According to him, "He brought a cure for the plague. He performed a heroic deed"].   Noam Federman Joined the Kach movement at the age of 14, like Itamar Ben-Gvir . He was one of the organizers of its youth movement and studied in the first cycle of the Jewish Idea Yeshiva, founded by Rabbi Meir Kahane in Jerusalem. Noam Federman  previously served as one of the leaders of the Kach movement before pursuing a more independent path. Interestingly, Rahamim Cohen – an attorney for Mekorot (Israel National Water Company) and a key activist in the Kahanist movement during Rabbi Kahane's time – commented in a personal conversation with me (March 2021) that "Federman was a loyal member of our movement; he was not only a man of ideas but also a man of action. He already had terrorist tendencies back then. The rabbi restrained him as best he could. There were no people of ours around him, at least not in this field of activity. At one point, he was a member of the secretariat. Everything he did beyond that he did on his own initiative."   Noam Federman  served several prison sentences over the years. His administrative detention was considered the longest among Jewish detainees at the time except for Meir Ettinger, who was suspected of leading the "Rebellion Infrastructure."   Noam Federman  was a close friend of Baruch Goldstein. According to him, Goldstein's actions constituted "a great act of sanctification of God." Over the years, Noam Federman regularly participated in Baruch Goldstein's commemorations. On the 27th anniversary of Goldstein's death [which the movement refers to as " murder"], Federman asserted that Goldstein was a "righteous man who saved the Jews of Hebron from a massacre."   In March 2008, Noam Federman  petitioned the High Court of Justice to allow a celebration and reading of the Megillah near Baruch Goldstein's grave. He argued, "The police allow leftists to visit the grave site in Kiryat Arba and even provide security for them. Therefore, there is no reason why they should not also allow a Purim celebration there."   Federman Farm:  Noam Federman resides in an outpost known as "Federman Farm," near Kiryat Arba, in Givat Harsina (also called "Ramat Mamre") with his wife, Elisheva, and their ten children. Following the annual "celebration," a Mitzvah meal is held on the farm each year.   Itamar Ben-Gvir In early September 2004, Itamar Ben-Gvir  and Ayala Nimrodi , aged 17 and a half, were married. The large wedding at The International Convention Center, commonly known as Binyanei HaUma in Jerusalem, was attended by approximately 1,500 people, including right-wing and far-right figures from across the country. Among those present were young people from the Hilltop Youth, residents of Yitzhar and Kfar Tapuach, as well as members of the Jewish community in Hebron.   Rabbi Yehuda Kreuzer , of the Yeshiva of the Jewish Idea in Jerusalem, stated at the beginning of the chuppah that the Minister of Defense and the Supreme Court had attempted to overshadow the joy by not allowing Noam Federman , who was under house arrest, to attend. Federman conveyed his congratulations via telephone. During the dancing, one attendee briefly pointed a rifle at the ceiling but was immediately instructed to lower the weapon. The celebrations continued uninterrupted. One of the attendees sang the song "Zochreini Na (Remember Me)… and take revenge on one of my two eyes from the Philistines." At one point, the dancing was paused for a phone call from Noam Federman . Federman addressed the couple, stating: "The Gemara [an essential component of the Talmud, comprising a collection of rabbinical analyses and commentaries on the Mishnah, presented in 63 books] says that in times of a Mitzvah War, everyone must participate, even the groom from his room and the bride from her veil. When a sword threatens the Land of Israel and the Arab enemy seeks our destruction, do not be like others who marry and disappear. Be different – go to war."   At the conclusion of the event, guests received a small booklet as a souvenir, featuring a picture of Rabbi Meir Kahane on the back cover, with the inscription "Continuing on his way." The booklet also included "The Doctor's Song," signed by administrative detainees from Sharon Prison.   Ayala Ben-Gvir  stated in October 2004: "We wanted to meet [Itamar and I] in a special place. What could be more special than the park named after Rabbi [Meir] Kahane in Kiryat Arba, next to the grave of Baruch Goldstein?"   In 1994, in a televised interview following the massacre at the Cave of the Patriarchs, Ben-Gvir remarked: "Finally, a Jew has risen, a great Jew, the righteous Dr. Goldstein, may God avenge his blood."   In mid-March 1995, about a year after the massacre, during the Purim holiday, Ben-Gvir dressed as Dr. Goldstein, declaring him "his hero."   Over the following years, Ben-Gvir continued to participate in "Purim festivities" held at Goldstein's grave.   In April 2000, during a defamation lawsuit he filed against journalist Amnon Dankner – who had called him a "little Nazi" on the Popolitika program in October 1995 – Ben-Gvir stated regarding Dr. Baruch Goldstein's actions: "I accept the reasoning of 'revenge.' It is a moral and halakhic principle. I believe Dr. Goldstein acted out of revenge... Dr. Goldstein did what he intended to do, and I do not condemn his act. He acted within the context of war."   In February 2002, Ben-Gvir explained that "last year he and his friends requested permission to hold a Purim party near Goldstein's grave, and they initially received approval. However, after the police learned of this, they revoked the permission, cordoned off the grave site, and prevented the celebration." According to Ben-Gvir, "For us, Dr. Goldstein is a saint and a hero who opposed the neglect of Jewish blood and the government's helplessness. The celebration is intended to recognize and honor his memory."   In March 2005, Ben-Gvir was present at Goldstein’s grave alongside Baruch Marzel  and Noam Federman . In October 2005, he was involved in an incident at the grave site, where police intervened out of concern that he intended to hold a celebration there.   In March 2007, it was reported that "dozens of far-right activists attended the annual reading of the Book of Esther near Baruch Goldstein's grave. During the reading, the name Haman was replaced with Arik Sharon  and Y itzhak Rabin , and the names Zeresh [the wife of Haman] with Tzipi Livni  and Leah Rabin . The event escalated into a confrontation with the police. Among those present were far-right activists Itamar Ben-Gvir , Noam Federman , and Michael Ben-Chorin . Avigdor Eskin, Itamar Ben-Gvir, Noam Federman, Baruch Marzel – at Dr. Goldstein's ceremony (Photography: Yesha Now, Purim, March 2007 – In ccordance to Section 27A of the Copyright Law) Noam Federman and Michael Ben-Chorin make sure to visit the grave every year; for some reason – Itamar Ben-Gvir 's place has been absent in recent years.   In a 2011 television interview, Ben-Gvir commented on a picture of Goldstein displayed in his living room: "This picture makes a statement – a very explicit statement." He described Goldstein as a "righteous man," a "hero," and "a doctor who saved Jews with his life."   Until the 2020 election period, a picture of Baruch Goldstein hung in Ben-Gvir's living room. He justified this on multiple occasions, stating that Goldstein had saved several of his friends. However, mounting public pressure led him to remove the picture. In January 2020, Ben-Gvir announced: "In light of the fact that the fate of the people of Israel and the Land of Israel hangs in the balance, and there is a danger of establishing a government that will expel Jews from their homes, I declare that, for the sake of unity and the right-wing victory in the elections, I am removing the picture from my living room." He added that the picture had been displayed "as a gesture from me and my partner, as a defiance against the left."   In September 2022, Ben-Gvir stated: "It is true that, 20 years ago, I said that all Arabs should be deported, and that in the past I had a picture of Goldstein in my home. Today, I am not in that place. I do not wish to apologize, nor do I owe anyone an apology. One of the reasons I did not remove the picture for so many years was because I believed, 'I do not owe anything to the left.'"   Participant Observation – The Memorial at the Grave of Dr. Baruch Goldstein – March 9, 2020 The memorial service was held – with only a handful of worshipper presence – in Meir Kahane Park, which was established in the rabbi's memory. A tomb was built there, turning the site into a pilgrimage destination for far-right figures. However, following the Law Prohibiting the Erection of Memorial Monuments in Memory of Terrorist Acts, 1998, which states that "no memorial monument shall be erected in memory of a terrorist act perpetrator," the IDF demolished most of the site in 1999, leaving only the tombstone on the grave.   A photo of Baruch Goldstein was distributed during the ceremony (a copy was given to me upon attending the ceremony)   Every year on Purim, the anniversary of the massacre, supporters gather at the grave to hold memorial ceremonies and read the Book of Esther . The atmosphere is celebratory. Participants praise the "saint" and read the scroll while vilifying all the "ten sons of Haman," which includes Supreme Court justices and other perceived "opponents." The memorial at the grave of Dr. Baruch Goldstein (Photography: Idan Yaron, 9.3.2020) At the end of the memorial ceremony, we attended a Mitzvah meal at the Federman farm. Guests drank freely and enjoyed challah, hummus, and salads.   Noam Federman and His Views on Itamar Ben-Gvir In late February 2021, Noam Federman  wrote on his Facebook page: "We cherish a favor and are not ungrateful: the celebration of the righteous Baruch Goldstein, 5771. We do not take down pictures, and we do not exclude ourselves from the righteous man who saved the Jews of Hebron from a kitchen."   In another post from mid-March 2021, Federman wrote: "I would be happy to put all the leftists and our Arab enemies on a wheelbarrow and." Eli Neiman, director of the Jewish Idea Yeshiva founded by Rabbi Meir Kahane and head of the Hemla Association – an organization that, among other things, runs a home for girls in distress and the Chasdei Meir charity for the hills – responded: "Delete quickly, they are looking for reasons to block you." Other users commented: "You've softened up, Noam. a wheelbarrow, so comfortably? At our expense?" "Ready to be the driver and pay from my pocket." "Put them in a wheelbarrow with hot, boiling tar."   In September 2022 – following Itamar Ben-Gvir 's statement, "I don't think Dr. Goldstein is a hero, I don't think Arabs should be killed or deported" – Federman responded with a single word: "Shame."

Their thoughts are thoughts of iniquity; desolation and destruction are in their highways (Isaiah 59:7). Foreword Marts 7-8, 2025   Documentation by "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" The robbery, premeditated and executed by dozens of violent and armed settlers from outposts, is part of an ongoing process of "ethnic cleansing" aimed at expelling Palestinian herding communities from Area C.   The settlers carried out their invasion in a coordinated operation involving the heads of outposts surrounding the villages of Ras Ein al-Auja  and Marjat .   Reports indicate that the settlers were accompanied by police and military personnel (at least one military jeep was observed). During the theft of livestock, police arrested a local Palestinian resident, the owner of one of the flocks, after he was beaten with clubs by the attackers. The official reason for his arrest: "theft of sheep" – sheep that a settler allegedly identified as his own and was immediately "returned" to him in the presence of police. Another Palestinian suffered a hand injury from shrapnel. Notably, the arrested shepherd was released two days later after posting a bail of only 1,000 IS, a sum that strongly suggests the theft charge was baseless.   The incident began at 9:00 PM, when Zohar Sabah – at an unusual hour – deliberately drove his flock toward the homes of local Palestinian residents, pressing his sheep against theirs. This tactic is a well-documented method used to fabricate claims that Palestinian shepherds have stolen livestock. Within minutes, about 15 vehicles arrived, bringing dozens of settlers, some armed with rifles, others carrying clubs.   In a similar case earlier this year, the same method was used. However, due to video documentation by an activist from "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" the court dismissed the theft allegation and released the Palestinian shepherd who had been arrested on false charges (see details below).   Shortly after midnight, a police officer identifying himself as Y. contacted "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" activists, instructing them to retrieve the stolen sheep. He directed them to the village of Marjat, near Zohar Sabah 's outpost. Another police officer, S., who introduced herself as the deputy chief of the Benjamin Police, also claimed the sheep were available for retrieval and suggested they come near the outpost.   The activists followed the instructions and arrived at the meeting point. After a wait, Zohar Sabah  and another settler (reportedly a minor) appeared with 22 sheep. The police officer on-site stated that they had acted "over and above board," asserting that Zohar Sabah  had simply recovered his stolen sheep.   Incident Summary by "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" A lamb died while fleeing during the robbery (documented by "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" activists on March 7, 2025) Urgent appeal by the attorney of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel to The Commander of the Central Command, The Commander of Judea and Samaria Division, and the Military Advocate General of Judea and Samaria (March 8, 2025): "A serious incident of violence and theft – Ras Ein al-Auja – with military and police backing In full coordination with "Looking the Occupation in the Eye," the attorney of the Association drafted a letter addressed to the prefectures in Judea and Samaria. The following is the statement:   "In the incidents in the residential area of ​​the shepherd community of Ras Ein al-Auja, in the southern Jordan Valley, settlers acted violently, with the backing of elements pretending to be on behalf of the authorities. During which, large herds of hundreds of sheep were stolen by settlers from the area's outposts…   Description of the events: At around 9:00 PM, settlers arrived near the sheep pens of the two families, residents of the Ras Ein al-Auja communities. These pens hold large herds of over a thousand sheep, owned by five families from the community. After arriving at the scene, while standing near the pen, one of the settlers called the authorities and reported the theft of sheep. Immediately afterwards, dozens of settler vehicles arrived at the scene in a coordinated manner. They unloaded them, armed with firearms and clubs. The settlers were accompanied by soldiers, or by people in uniform, also armed (possibly escorted by the Regional Council, or by the police). One of the owners of the herd saw the settlers arriving and stood at the entrance to the community's sheep pens, hoping to prevent theft. A settler fired, apparently in the air, to deter the Palestinian resident who was standing in his way and hit him to get him out of the way and into the sheep pens. The settler broke into the pens, opened their gates, and smuggled out hundreds of sheep and goats.   Some of the sheep were loaded onto pickup trucks, but most were smuggled on foot to the west and south, to the nearby mountain (where the Kochav HaShahar outpost and nearby outposts are located). In an attempt to find the herd, about two hours later, dozens of dead lambs were discovered in the open. Activists who were present at the scene at the time of the incident heard gunfire, and documented the smuggling of the sheep on video... At the time of the incident, the police were immediately contacted. Following the filing of the complaint, the police contacted the activists, and it was reported that the settler was interested in returning the stolen sheep. Later, about 30 sheep, out of many hundreds [of residents of the village of Ras Ein al-Auja, not residents of the village of Marjat], were set alight at around 01:00 in the morning, on the road near the Marjat community and 'Zohar Farm.' The rest of the flocks, hundreds of sheep disappearing in the darkness, were not found and are still missing, despite searches conducted by residents and activists. The police did not provide any further assistance in finding the flock or locating the perpetrators. Repeated calls to the police hotline were answered with the following: 'You must come to the police station to file a complaint on Sunday'... The resident who stood in the way of the settlers, at the entrance to the pens, was arrested during the incident. Another Palestinian resident was apparently injured.   This is an unprecedented incident of nationalist criminality, and on a huge scale. This was organized and coordinated in advance by settlers, and received the assistance and support of the authorities, and unfortunately – complete helplessness on their part, and a violation of the army's duty as the sovereign in the occupied territory under international law, 'to maintain public order, protect the protected residents and their property, enforce the law with equality, and prevent the commission of war crimes and nationalist and racist persecution.' The biased, to say the least, action of law enforcement officials in this incident joins a general phenomenon of cooperation or turning a blind eye to settler crimes, aimed at pushing Palestinian herding communities in Areas B and C of the West Bank from their places of residence, and robbing them of their livelihoods and means of subsistence... Dozens of communities have been pushed and displaced in this manner since October 2023."   The serious incident will not be understood without a theoretical background and the tangible context in which it occurred.   Case Study A clear example of the dispute between the right and the left, in all its aspects, is the case of the southern Jordan Valley – specifically the Zohar Farms, the village of Ras Ein al-Auja, and the village of Marjat.   The Jordan Valley and the northern Dead Sea region span approximately 1.6 million dunams, constituting nearly 30% of the West Bank. This area serves as the Palestinians' most significant land reserve.   This case study examines a sweeping process in which, over the past few years, many Palestinian communities have been expelled and dispossessed in the West Bank. This process follows a coordinated effort – violent settlers acting "from below," with the backing of various state authorities "from above."   According to data from "Kerem Navot" – a civil society organization founded in 2012 that monitors, researches, and publishes information on Israeli settlement expansion and land policies in the West Bank – 54 Palestinian communities and residential clusters have been expelled due to these activities. Of these, 47 have been expelled since October 2023. This information was published on the "Local Call" website – a platform committed to democracy, opposition to the occupation, peace, equality, social justice, transparency, and freedom of information (as of early November 2023).   Additionally, data published on Ynet site (based on the Central Command database) revealed a sharp rise in nationalist crimes committed by settlers and other Jewish Israeli citizens against Palestinians in the territories of Judea and Samaria. In the first two months of 2025, such incidents increased by approximately 30% compared to 2024, with 139 cases recorded since the beginning of the year. These figures also reflect the situation in the southern Jordan Valley.   Approach The sources presented in this case study come from diverse political perspectives – both from the right and the left. However, the representation is not evenly balanced, as right-wing elements hold a dominant presence and influence in the field. The left's representation is more limited and mainly comprises volunteer citizen groups actively opposing the occupation.   The primary left-wing group with a continuous presence in the field is "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – a network of volunteers dedicated to preventing violations of Palestinian rights, advocating for ending the occupation, and promoting a just peace.   Right-wing sources include: Israel Hayom; The Router website; The Channel 7 website; The Srugim website; The Olam Katan website; The Jewish Voice website; The Channel 14 website; The Honenu organization; The "Hilltop Youth News" group; The Hilltop Youth Influencers; Elisha Yered  (Network X); MK Limor Son Har-Melech, Otzma Yehudit (Network X).   Left-wing sources include: The Haaretz website; "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" (testimonies and in-depth interviews); The B'Tselem website; The Kerem Navot website.   After presenting these opposing perspectives, additional testimonies from more "neutral" sources – such as security officials (e.g., the IDF spokesperson) – are included. Furthermore, written and filmed evidence (stills and videos) is presented, as it is generally considered more objective (though some reservations may still apply).   Perspectives   "Information warfare is about territory – just not geographical territory. In information warfare, the human mind is the territory." (Renée DiResta, "The Digital Maginot Line")   Israel is currently engaged in a "battle for consciousness" between the right and the left. This refers to the various strategies and tools used by groups with specific ideological frameworks to influence public perception – or to shield it from external influence. "Consciousness" in this context refers to the insights individuals or groups develop about reality and how it should be shaped. These perceptions are shaped by their values, beliefs, and interpretations of their environment.   I have chosen to confront these different – and oftentimes polarizing – perspectives directly. I believe that some versions of events (especially conspiratorial) are too significant to be ignored. My approach is based on the premise that if we fail to recognize the dominant perspectives in this debate, we cannot respond to them effectively. Additionally, it is crucial to compare these viewpoints and assess their "reasonableness" – that is, their "correspondence" with reality.   Often, right-wing and left-wing perspectives create two parallel worlds that operate independently, rarely intersecting.   To enable readers to form their own conclusions, I have highlighted controversial issues within each perspective (marked in blue). Furthermore, wherever necessary, I have included a separate column presenting points of disagreement between these perspectives. However, we have not received an official and orderly version of events from the opposing viewpoint. Should we receive such accounts, they will be published accordingly.   The issue becomes even more concerning when a certain public, exposed to conspiratorial narratives, ceases to question whether an assertion is true or false. Instead, what matters to them is whether the message aligns with their worldview. This phenomenon extends beyond mere "post-truth" – we are also living in an era of "post-shame", where deception, disinformation, propaganda and demagogy are accepted and even embraced if they reinforce a particular ideology.   Settlement Points at the Center of the Discussion Zohar Farm Zohar Farm is situated near Jericho-Ramallah Road, at the beginning of the ascent toward Ramallah (on Road 449). The Zohar Farm – View from the Road(Telescopic Photography: Idan Yaron, 26.9.2024)   The Zohar Farms – Another View (Telescopic Photography: Idan Yaron, 26.9.2024) Ras Ein al-Auja Village Ras Ein al-Auja is in the center of the Jericho District, approximately 9.8 km north of Jericho. To the east lies the village of Fasil, while the lands of Malik and Deir Jarir villages border it to the north.   According to the Kerem Navot website, the community was established under the orders of the IDF, which sought to concentrate Bedouin and semi-nomadic shepherd communities in one location. As a result, the settlement consists of several distinct clusters, each inhabited by a specific group. The village is home to the largest shepherding community in the West Bank, comprising about 150 families.   Despite this, Ras Ein al-Auja falls within Area C, and like most Palestinian settlements in this region, its status has never been officially recognized. This lack of formal recognition makes it a frequent target for harassment by settlers eager to displace the Palestinian population – especially the Bedouins, who reside there year-round. The community currently consists of approximately 120 families, totaling around 1,000 people.   Due to the area's significance as a water source, the Nahal settlement was established east of Wadi al-Auja's mouth in 1970. A few years later, the settlement was formalized and became known as Yitav.   The name "Yitav" originates from "Nahal Yitav" (short for Nahal Yad Yitzhak Tabenkin), a transliteration of the Arabic Wadi al-Auja (lit., "winding"). The wadi extends approximately 24 km and flows into the Jordan River.   Ein Auja and the “Slide” Ein Auja is the largest and most crucial water source for the communities north of Jericho. It is particularly known for its aqueduct, referred to as the "slide." The "Slide" (Photography: Idan Yaron, 26.9.2024) Ein Auja is one of the last remaining water sources in the West Bank still partially accessible to Palestinians – one of the few yet to be fully taken over by settlers. Historically, the water from the spring has been used to water the livestock of Ras Ein al-Auja and Marjat village residents, a division recognized by Israeli authorities. In 1979, the spring and its surrounding areas were declared a nature reserve.   Activists from "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" documented the situation in late August 2024: In Ras Ein al-Auja, residents are gradually resuming grazing activities – but only under the protective escort of human rights activists. These activists also accompany the herds to the stream at the end of pasture time, ensuring they can safely drink water.   The Auja Stream and its waters lie within private Palestinian land, with ownership well-documented. However, settlers – who are rapidly surrounding the community with new outposts (each typically consisting of a tent, a vehicle, and a sheep pen) – disregard these legal claims. Armed and backed by the Israeli army and police, settlers seize control of the water, preventing Palestinian shepherds from accessing the canal and the "slide" to water their livestock or fill water tankers.   What was once a popular recreation area for Palestinian families has now become a site of ongoing conflict, as settlers regularly expel Palestinians from the privately owned land.   Originally established as a kibbutz, the Yitav outpost was allocated extensive surrounding lands. Approximately 6,000 dunams of waqf land [an inalienable charitable endowment under Islamic Law] in the village area have been appropriated by settlers for various agricultural activities.   In the late 1980s, the kibbutz was abandoned by its residents. In the early 1990s, it was reestablished as a cooperative settlement, primarily populated by immigrants from the former Soviet Union. However, even in its new form, agricultural efforts in the area proved unsuccessful/   The lands of Ras Ein al-Auja are primarily privately owned. Some belong to members of the local Bedouin clans, while others are owned by prominent Palestinian families from Auja and East Jerusalem, including the Dajani, Husayni, and Nashashibi families.   In response to evolving conditions on the ground, the land accessible to the village has been significantly restricted.   Representative Map of the Lands of Ras Ein al-Auja, "Looking the Occupation in the Eye," February 2025   The Village of Marjat The village of Marjat is in the southern Jordan Valley, across the road in the ravine below, where the Zohar Farm lies.   Early Events The Village of Ras Ein al-Auja According to testimonies published on the website B'Tselem – The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, in late February 2020, dozens of settlers – some armed with firearms, knives, sticks, and clubs – arrived by car and on foot. They descended from the hills, attempted to disperse sheep grazing near the tents, and invaded a tent belonging to one of the families. At the time, the family's five children were inside the tent.   Nearby residents noticed the commotion and rushed to help. The settlers shouted that they were looking for the youth of the community, set their dogs on the children and residents gathered in the tent, surrounded them, and issued threats. One settler struck a resident in the head with the butt of his rifle. Soldiers who had been in the vicinity the entire time only intervened after nearly two hours, ordering the settlers to move away.   In early April 2024, three settlers – at least one of them armed – arrived at the village, walked among the residents' tents, set fire to two unoccupied residential shacks belonging to a family that was not present, and sprayed a Star of David on another shack before leaving the scene. Community residents called the police, who then collected testimonies from those affected.   The Village of Marjat Late July 2023 On Saturday, July 29, at around 4:00 PM, Zohar Sabah  arrived at the village accompanied by soldiers. He walked around community buildings and entered residential tents and sheep pens under the pretext of searching for stolen sheep. Female soldiers who arrived at the scene shouted at residents who attempted to keep the settler away from their homes and pens. Eventually, the settlers and soldiers left the area.   B'Tselem Documentation: https://youtu.be/7BmVlfB0vhA Late November 2023   The Right's Perspective The Left's Perspective Differences in Versions Zohar Sabah , the owner of a farm in the Jordan Valley, was drafted into the reserves when the war broke out, leaving his farm under the care of volunteer youth . Bedouins from the nearby illegal encampment of Marjat, noticing his absence, took advantage of the situation and stole dozens of sheep from his herd . When the theft was discovered, Zohar Sabah  was called to the scene, along with other civilians, military personnel, and police forces. After hours of searching, the stolen goats were located inside one of the houses in the Bedouin encampment. Some of the animals had already had their ears brutally cut off to remove identification tags and conceal the crime. When security forces arrived at the house where the stolen goats were hidden, the thieves fled the scene. However, the police assured Zohar Sabah  that the thieves – residents of the Bedouin encampment – had been identified and would be arrested sooner or later.   A new, strict, and aggressive policy was quickly implemented, showing immediate effects on the ground. The first victim of this policy, allegedly to appease American interests, was Zohar Sabah himself. This was a classic case of agricultural terrorism  that fortunately ended with the return of most of the stolen livestock. However, Yehuda Fox, then Commander of the Central Command, reportedly categorized the incident as "Jewish terrorism."   The following morning, the IDF informed Zohar Sabah that he was being removed from reserve service. Shortly thereafter, the Division Commander informed him that both his personal weapon and his wife's firearm – used to defend their farm from attacks – had been confiscated by "order from above."   A similar incident took place at Zohar Farm, near the settlement of Mevo'ot Jericho. While Zohar Sabah  was in reserve service, Arabs from the nearby village seized the opportunity  to steal dozens of sheep. Zohar Sabah  rushed back to his farm, and with the help of civilians, military forces, and police, managed to locate the stolen herd in a nearby village after hours of searching. The operation was hindered by dozens of local Arabs who attempted to disrupt the search. Despite police confirmation that the identity of the thieves was known  and that they would be arrested, left-wing organizations and villagers launched a propaganda campaign, falsely claiming that "armed settlers had invaded the village." This narrative gained traction, resulting in swift action from IDF officials. Sabah was soon informed that Major General Yehuda Fox had ordered the confiscation of his and his wife's weapons. The extreme left-wing organization "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" welcomed this move, calling it "good news." This organization, which is part of the anarchist left, has long opposed farms in the region and is known for staging provocations with the help of local Arabs.   These groups frequently accuse settlers of roaming near their encampments and "terrorizing" residents. However, what they fail to report is their involvement in provocations  designed to facilitate theft – cases where so-called "violent settlers" were merely reclaiming stolen property.   The Honenu organization described an event at the entrances to Jericho as an "attempted lynching"  of a 17-year-old Jewish shepherd.   Similarly, activist Elisha Yered  reported another act of agricultural terrorism  on the Sabbath. That morning, Zohar Sabah  was grazing his sheep when dozens of Bedouins approached him, threatening and surrounding him. Upon returning to his farm, he discovered that sheep were missing. A search was launched with military and police assistance, and the stolen sheep were found in the illegal encampment of Auja al-Fuka. One thief was arrested. During the search, dozens of Bedouins hurled stones at security forces, prompting them to fire warning shots into the air. Farm residents noted that left-wing activists armed with cameras were present at the scene from the very beginning, attempting to obstruct the forces – raising suspicions that this was a coordinated action. These activists seemed to be working alongside the perpetrators, deliberately capturing biased images to spread misinformation.   After the theft, Major General Fox made a controversial decision, reportedly against the advice of the Division commander : he confiscated Sabah's weapons and removed him from reserve duty. What prompted this decision? According to reports, pressure came from extreme left-wing organizations, which conveyed direct demands to Fox and American officials – including General Mike Fenzel, the U.S. security coordinator in Israel. Days after Sabah's weapons were confiscated, anarchist Guy Hirschfeld – then an activist for "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" –boasted on Facebook: "We are beginning to feel the American pressure." He mockingly referred to Sabah as "the terrorist from Marjat," urging people to ask him where his weapons were. He further declared: "We will continue to inform our friends around the world about the crimes of the Jews in occupied Palestine until they understand that we need to step on the gas and pressure this bloody government." Reports suggest that extreme left-wing organizations established a direct communication channel with General Fenzel and other American officials at the beginning of the war. This channel has allegedly become so effective that, in many cases, only ten minutes separate the moment left-wing activists arrive at an incident and their complaints result in direct orders from General Fox to IDF forces on the ground. Haaretz  Newspaper, Hagar Shezaf (December 1, 2023):A settler serving in the reserves shot at Palestinians, claiming they stole his sheep. Zohar Sabah , along with other settlers, arrived in a nearby Palestinian village from Marjat, fired his military-issued weapon (which he had received as part of his service in the regional defense), and entered local houses . The incident was reported to the police, leading to his suspension from combat duty and the confiscation of his weapon. A resident of Marjat stated that Zohar Sabah entered the village with approximately 20 other settlers. According to her, the group attacked the villagers, confiscated their cell phones, and attempted to steal sheep from them while firing their weapons. She added, "One of them hit my father and sister with his rifle. We thought he was going to shoot us."  The settlers allegedly took about 20 sheep from the village, claiming the animals had originally belonged to them. Clarification by "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" activist, Daniel De Malach: "The police announced that 'the identity of the thieves is known,' but as far as is known, no one has been arrested, and there is no evidence of theft . It is important to clarify that all claims of theft by the villagers turned out to be a hoax or, at the very least, were never confirmed." "According to the version stating that 'the herd was located together with other civilians and army and police forces,' police officers participated in the raid on the village. However, this participation does not appear in the residents' version or the IDF's version – and is even explicitly denied." "The statement by the Honenu organization that 'the incident was a lynching of a Jewish shepherd' contradicts the claim that the theft occurred while Zohar Sabah  was in reserve service." Similarly, Elisha Yered 's account – that " Zohar Sabah , the owner of a farm in the Jordan Valley, was grazing his sheep on the morning of the Sabbath when he encountered dozens of Bedouins who approached him, began to threaten him, and surrounded him" – contradicts the claim that Zohar Sabah  was not at the outpost at the time of the alleged theft  and had returned from reserve duty only to address the situation.   Image from a video documenting a settler threatening Palestinians with his personal weapon Security source:  "It should be understood that anyone who wears a uniform and has received a weapon from the army represents the State of Israel and the IDF. The weapon is intended to protect the community or farm from terrorists, not to resolve criminal disputes. Unfortunately, as in previous incidents, here too, the security forces were not called upon to handle the situation, and individuals took the law into their own hands."   B'Tselem – Documentation "Armed settlers and soldiers enter the Palestinian village of Marjat, with one of them loading a weapon and striking residents with it." (Photography: Residents of the community)The settler threatens with a weapon and shouts: "Where are my goats?" 🔗  Video link   Early January 2024   Report on page X of Haaretz newspaper: Zohar Sabah  was recorded setting up an unauthorized checkpoint while armed with a weapon he received from the IDF. 🔗  Video link   Late February 2024   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation Settlers take over a house in the village of Marjat, expelling the family with threats of weapons and violence. One of the settlers pointed a weapon at an activist who tried to document the incident. 🔗  Video link   Early May 2024   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation For two weeks, Zohar Sabah's  herd has repeatedly entered the community in the village of Marjat. Zohar Sabah , or one of his associates, arrives from the illegal outpost he established – either by vehicle or with the herd alone. The herd invades the areas of the Marjat shepherd community. Today was no exception. Its presence near residents' homes or their herds is alarming and threatening, given past incidents of violence. 🔗  Video link   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation Young men from an illegal outpost (apparently from Zohar Sabah's  local outpost) enter the shepherd community in the village of Marjat. 🔗  Video link   Late May 2024   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation Three masked settlers arrived in a vehicle, wearing turbans, and entered the shepherd community in the village of Marjat. They proceeded to the pen, loaded, and stole 20 goats. Watch here   June 22, 2024   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation A herd belonging to settler Zohar Sabah arrived at the grazing area of Ras Ein al-Auja on the Holy Sabbath and approached the Palestinian herds, intimidating them. Zohar Sabah  called the police and the army, falsely claiming he had been attacked and that his goats had been stolen. Security forces then invaded the village, declared it a closed military zone, arrested Palestinians, and detained human rights activists documenting the events. Watch here   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – An Activist's Documentation of the Event in Ras Ein al-Auja "At approximately 07:00 AM, settler Zohar Sabah  arrived from his outpost with a herd, approaching the Palestinian herds, which immediately began to flee. One of the shepherds' donkeys was left behind near Zohar Sabah 's herd, and they asked us to retrieve it. Zohar Sabah  then called the police or the army, falsely claiming that he had been attacked, beaten with sticks, had stones thrown at him, and that his goats were stolen. The army arrived, accompanied by Gabriel Kalisch  [a Military Security Coordinator from Mevo'ot Yericho, a graduate of the Ma'ale Ephraim Hesder Yeshiva, who received the "Outstanding Brigade Military Security Coordinators Award" in September 2023 for his security contributions]. A soldier spoke with Zohar Sabah  but refused to listen to me. The Palestinian herds retreated to the village, while Zohar Sabah 's herd continued advancing into it. Meanwhile, a large group of settlers, soldiers, and police officers arrived from the other side of the village. The forces conferred with Zohar Sabah , Omer Atidia  [owner of "Einot Kedem – A Farm in the Desert"], Gabriel Kalisch , and other settlers. We were not allowed to approach them. They took our IDs and informed us that we had to go to the Benjamin Police station to provide testimony. Later, they arrested three Palestinians unrelated to the incident, followed by another. When we reached the station, they told us we were being detained for involvement in an 'attack incident.' They confiscated our phones and prohibited us from speaking to each other. After about an hour, they informed us that we were no longer detained but had to remain to give testimony. On the way to the station, a vehicle blocked our path, and a masked settler, speaking Arabic and pretending to be Palestinian, emerged. In my view, the entire incident was premeditated. The swift arrival of numerous settlers, including those not commonly seen in the area like Omer Atidia , indicates a coordinated plan. The army and police are fully complicit. They disregard us—and certainly the Palestinians." Watch here   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation by an Activist "Following the events of June 22, 2024, in Ras Ein al-Auja, after successfully stealing sheep under the protection of security personnel and integrating them into his herd of goats, Zohar Sabah returned today with other settlers and security forces to continue looting sheep. Around 3:30 PM, as on the previous day, settlers arrived in Ras Ein al-Auja under the protection of a soldier and an officer. They entered multiple sheepfolds, searching for what they called 'stolen sheep.' The officer ordered the Palestinians to stay away and not interfere. Three settlers entered the pens while soldiers prevented anyone from approaching. After about half an hour of fruitless searching, they returned to the pen where they had confiscated or stolen sheep the night before. At this point, tensions rose, and many Palestinians – including women and children – gathered. Fearful, the flocks fled the enclosure when Palestinians opened the gate. The father of the family managed to calm them. The settlers then found a single sheep with a yellow tag on its ear, leading to a lengthy dispute over ownership. More people gathered, including an armed police officer. Two settler vehicles reached the demarcation gate, where the sheep were loaded. A settler threw a stone at the gathered Palestinians, who responded in kind. The officer fired multiple shots into the air, and additional soldiers arrived, shooting tear gas uncontrollably. Children inside an ambulance were injured as a result. It is crucial to emphasize that no sheep were stolen from settler Zohar Sabah . His herd consists of goats, but on both days, sheep were taken – stolen – from the Palestinians with the full cooperation of the army." Watch here   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation (Doron Meinert) The events of the last two days in the Ras Ein al-Auja area serve as a microcosm of the broader collapse we are experiencing – a complete breakdown of the rule of law. This time, I was personally involved in most of the incident, and this is my first-person testimony, supported by videos and additional accounts from those who were with me.   The event began on Saturday at 07:00. My partners and I had been there since the night before. We arrived at the grazing area south of the village and immediately noticed four Palestinian herds moving quickly back toward the village. Crossing the stream, we saw the goat herd belonging to settler Zohar Sabah . Unlike previous times when his boys tended the herd, this time, Zohar Sabah  was personally grazing them.   The Palestinians approached us, asking for our help in retrieving a donkey left near Zohar Sabah 's herd. We accompanied them, retrieved the donkey, and returned to our respective locations. As the Palestinian herds continued moving swiftly back toward the village, Zohar Sabah  called the police or army, falsely claiming he had been beaten with a stick, had stones thrown at him, and that his goats had been stolen. This statement marked the beginning of the subsequent events, and it was an unequivocal lie. We were present, witnessed everything, and documented it. No one touched him, and there was no chance of his goats being stolen or the herds mixing. The minimum distance between the herds was at least 500 meters throughout the entire incident. Zohar Sabah  appeared healthy, unharmed, and calm, acting according to a coordinated plan with other settlers in the area, likely in coordination with elements within the army and police.   At this stage, it became evident that this was a large, premeditated event aimed at robbing sheep and terrorizing the village – an operation designed, among other things, to discourage local residents from cooperating with us, the volunteers. Within minutes of Zohar Sabah 's call, a military vehicle arrived, led by a civilian vehicle driven by Gabriel Kalish . The rapid response indicated prior coordination, as forces in the area typically take at least half an hour to arrive. I was present at dozens of similar events, and this timing was highly unusual.   Zohar Sabah approached a soldier, repeating his false story. I attempted to intervene, stating that everything he claimed was a lie and that we had videos to prove it. She dismissed my words, insisting that Zohar Sabah  could not be lying, and shut the window. This pattern was repeated by every soldier, officer, and police officer I tried to communicate with over the next two hours. Meanwhile, Gabriel Kalish  continued into the village, and we followed him. By the time we reached the village's northern entrance, approximately ten settler vehicles and an additional military force were already present. A female officer with the rank of captain, likely the sector commander, soon arrived with two police cars carrying Inspector G.H. and another officer named O. Both officers, by sheer "coincidence," were on duty that Saturday and in the vicinity, allowing them to arrive within fifteen minutes.   Attempts to communicate with the officer were met with the same disregard as before. When I tried to speak with the police, they confiscated my ID and those of my companions, treated us with verbal hostility, and prevented us from providing testimony, despite our insistence that the accusations were a fabrication. Instead, they ordered us to stay away from the forces and the village entrance.   Gabriel Kalish , Zohar Sabah , and numerous others arrived, with the security forces treating them as authoritative figures, unquestioningly accepting their statements. The settlers were regarded as the true rulers of the land.   At this point, the forces escalated their actions, looting and terrorizing the village. They arrested individuals who had no connection to the incident and systematically entered one pen after another, searching for the so-called stolen sheep. When I attempted to document their actions, I was informed that I was being detained. Another officer initially intended to interrogate me on the spot, but Police Officer G.A. intervened, stating that we were being detained on suspicion of involvement in an assault, for testimony, or for investigation – changing the justification each time. The true intent was clear: to remove us from the scene.   At the Benjamin Police station, we were told that we were detained for assault. An hour later, our status was changed to that of witnesses. We provided full testimony to the interrogator, along with videos and photos. However, the truth was irrelevant. Arbitrary arrests and the looting of sheep continued, with no evidence to support the settlers' claims other than Zohar Sabah 's words. Unsurprisingly, he was not required to present any proof of his alleged losses or injuries.   I also shared my account with a journalist who wrote an article, but his editor refused to publish it. Instead, right-wing newspapers and WhatsApp groups spread Zohar Sabah 's false version of events. In one publication, I was personally accused of attacking Zohar Sabah , along with my companions. Meanwhile, additional activists arrived in the area to document events, attempting – without success – to engage with officers in the field and senior officials. The forces actively assisted the settlers in stealing goats and sheep, even though Zohar Sabah 's herd contained only goats. The stolen animals were transferred to his farm. In total, three to six Palestinians were arrested, and 12 goats and sheep were stolen.   On Sunday afternoon, Zohar Sabah  returned with three settlers and a small contingent of an officer and three soldiers, claiming to be searching for a "stolen sheep." They went from house to house. This time, no police accompanied them. An IDF officer seemed to believe her role was to aid settlers in their village incursions. At one point, stone-throwing ensued between the two sides, prompting the soldiers to fire indiscriminately into the air. After leaving for an hour, they returned and launched dozens of tear gas canisters at the village – an act entirely unrelated to any operational need.   This entire incident was clearly premeditated by settlers as part of their broader strategy to expel communities from the area, as they have done with dozens of others. In Ras Ein al-Auja, the presence of Israeli volunteers interferes with their agenda, making Palestinians' cooperation with us a target. The settlers explicitly told us: "If you hadn't been here, this wouldn't have happened." They were right – without our presence, the villagers would have been forced to leave.   Doron Meinert Visit the School (Photography: Idan Yaron, 27.9.2024) Early August 2024 A photo from the village of Marjat captures the road leading to the Taiba junction. Settlers from "Zohar Farm" are seen terrorizing and beating a Palestinian waiting on the roadside. Early September 2024   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation In the village of Marjat, screams echoed from one of the houses in the community. According to testimony, three settlers arrived and stood near a house before entering a back room. From there, they moved on to a neighboring house and attempted to steal a herd. The settlers used pepper spray, injuring a woman and a child. Alerted by the commotion, community members rushed out, preventing the theft. The three settlers fled as soon as human rights activists arrived. Shortly after, reports emerged from the nearby community of Ras Ein al-Auja, where settlers had damaged and cut water pipes. Video Link   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation Armed settlers invaded the village of Marjat, moving between houses and instilling fear. A settler could have fallen or injured himself. Despite activists calling for police intervention to remove the settlers, their pleas were met with indifference. When the army finally arrived, three Palestinians were arrested – while the settlers remained untouched.   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation To facilitate settler harassment in the village of Marjat without interference, the army – assisted by Gabriel Kalish (likely under his orders) – declared a closed military zone in the area where a settler and his herd were present. After the activists were forcibly removed, a settler drove into the community in a car.   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation This morning, masked soldiers detained human rights activists in Marjat, preventing them from documenting attacks and standing between Palestinian victims and violent settlers.   Last night, dozens of goats and several dogs were poisoned to death in Marjat. Activists on site collected samples for testing. Before the poisoning, settlers had been spotted in the area. Video Link   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation Autopsy results of the poisoned goats in Marjat confirmed that they died from ingesting a toxic fertilizer or pesticide. While no specific contaminated food was found in their stomachs, evidence suggests the poison may have been in their water. Given the absence of cultivated fields in the area, the toxin was likely introduced into their pen intentionally.   Additionally, the fact that goats injected with atropine survived further supports the poisoning claim.   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation Between Thursday night and Friday, dozens of goats and several dogs were poisoned in Marjat. By Sunday morning, the routine continued: a settler from the nearby outpost of Zohar Sabah  invaded private Palestinian land with his herd. When called, the army did not intervene but instead went directly to the outpost of Zohar Sabah . Video Link   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation Two activists from "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" and a French Documentation filmmaker were arrested in Marjat.   Meanwhile, a settler shepherd entered the village once again, leading his herd onto private Palestinian land. Activists recorded the intrusion and reported it to the army. However, the military responded by heading directly to the outpost of Zohar Sabah , from where the settler had come.   Peak Event: September 16, 2024   The Right's Perspective The Left's Perspective Differences in Versions Arabs lynched a shepherd : "We were a step away from another Benjamin Achimeir"  [a 14-year-old who was declared missing after he left a farm near the Israeli outpost of Malachei HaShalom and found murdered on 12 April 2024]. The rioters, who noticed the farm owner approaching, fled the area, leaving the shepherd bleeding. Rescue forces arrived at the scene, provided medical treatment on the spot, and evacuated him to the hospital . Later, police arrested two suspects in connection with the attack . A Jewish shepherd who had left the "Zohar farm" was attacked by Palestinians in the Mevo'ot Yericho area. According to testimonies, the attackers came from the nearby Arab outpost of Marjat. The incident escalated into another confrontation between Israeli citizens and Palestinians, resulting in injuries on both sides . Shortly thereafter, several Israeli citizens arrived at the location where the suspects had fled and hidden. A clash ensued, during which several Palestinians were injured. Rescue forces provided medical treatment to the wounded. The shepherd was taken to the hospital with head injuries , though no details were given about the condition of the injured Palestinians. Later that day, police arrested two suspects involved in the attack on the shepherd . The violence in the Mevo'ot Yericho area began when Arab rioters attacked a Jewish shepherd grazing his flock within the jurisdiction of the Mevo'ot Yericho settlement in the Jordan Valley. The rioters surrounded him, stole his cellphone, and beat him with clubs. During the attack, the shepherd managed to activate an emergency distress button, specially provided for shepherds. The alert summoned the farm owner and fellow shepherds, who arrived alongside security forces and began searching for the rioters who had fled to a nearby Bedouin encampment. The attackers, upon noticing the farm owner, fled the area, leaving the shepherd wounded. Rescue forces provided him with medical care at the scene before evacuating him to the hospital. Police later arrested two suspects in connection with the attack. Four Palestinians attacked the Jewish shepherd, leaving him in moderate condition. Two of the attackers were arrested. At 09:42, the Valley Center received an SOS message from the farm’s satellite device, prompting an immediate alert to the farm owner and security forces. An ambulance and security personnel were dispatched to the scene.   Zohar Sabah:  "The shepherd called me, but I could only hear screams and roars. I immediately realized something terrible was happening. A moment later, I received an alert from the distress button, which simultaneously notified the security center."   Ayelet Lash:  " Jews were attacked today by Arab-Nazi subhumans  near the entrances to Jericho. Among the attackers were a school principal and another teacher . How is it that everything is silent?! Where are all the leftists who were outraged over the Jith events?! Where are the so-called ‘waiting priests’ who wanted to condemn and visit Arab women with bouquets of flowers?! Will they also visit the Jews injured in this lynching by Arab Nazis?!" See below. "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" claim: "We have not seen any medical evidence of the boy's injury , despite the published photo showing a blow to the back of his head, the credibility of which remains unclear."   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" activist Daniel De Malach:  "The claim that 'rescue forces who arrived at the scene provided [the shepherd] with medical treatment on the ground and evacuated him to the hospital' is incorrect. The attacked person, whose photo was blurred in right-wing sources, was not taken to the hospital but instead participated in the attack on the village, leading to an indictment against him .   Son Har-Malk's statement also alleges that security forces are 'harassing' the shepherd who was attacked. If the shepherd was 'rushed to the hospital,' how is it possible that security forces are 'harassing' him? The reason they arrested him is that he participated in the violent attack ."   "The photo of the 'injured young man' was published in a way that prevents identification (among other reasons, because he is documented participating in the violent attack on the school)."   "The claim that 'Jews were attacked' is not based on verifiable evidence."   "The statement that 'the incident escalated into another clash between Israeli and Palestinian civilians, during which several people involved on both sides were injured' does not align with reality. Not one of them was injured. The videos show them attacking with batons – both the activists of the Occupy Prevention Movement and the Palestinians – while the activists did not retaliate ."   "The statement that 'Later, police forces arrested two of the suspects in the attack,' referring to the teacher and the school principal—whose office the rioters entered while masked and beat him – is misleading. It fails to mention that the suspects were released after two days without any charges , which indicates that the settlers' version of events is unfounded" [see below]. Right-Wing Press – Documentation "The Young Man Who Was Injured" Published in the daily press as "Photo without Source   Peak Event: September 16, 2024 – The School in the Village of Marjat School – Sign (Photography: Idan Yaron, 26.9.2024)   School – Donation Sign (Photography: Idan Yaron, 26.9.2024) School – General View (Photography: Idan Yaron, 26.9.2024)   School – Principal's Room (Photography: Idan Yaron, 26.9.2024)  School – Principal's Broken Door (Photography: Idan Yaron, 26.9.2024)   The Right's Perspective The Left's Perspective There is no organized, authoritative version. Boys attacked two Palestinians at a school in the village of Marjat, in front of the students. Residents reported the incident to left-wing activists, who then went to the scene but were also attacked by settlers wielding clubs. According to the activists, the settlers claimed they were searching for a village resident who had allegedly beaten their friend.   An international organization (WBP) recalled the events at the Primary School in Marjat. In its statement: On Monday, at approximately 09:47, it was reported that three female teachers and several students were injured, along with a British Palestinian activist. The school, which employs 30 male and female teachers and serves around 100 students, is supported by the organization. WBP called for measures to protect students in and around the school from settler attacks; the removal of all restrictions hindering the free movement of people and goods in the West Bank; assurance that schools are never targeted for military or hostile activity; and that teachers and students are not affected by such activities on their way to school. Additionally, the organization urged that all attacks on schools be investigated and documented.   Event Schedule – The Perspective of "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" Activists 09:27 AM: "I hope the activists return to meet the settler now. He is near the house next to the school. After he made sure that you had left the village, he approached the residents' homes." 09:32 AM: "We were in Auja to pick up someone and go there now." 09:40 AM: "Settlers attacked a man now in Marjat, near the school." 09:42 AM: Message to Ynet reporter Elisha Ben Kimon about a shepherd who was beaten. 09:44 AM: "Please hurry." 09:46 AM: "They have arrived." 09:49 AM: Meir Bleich begins filming a video, 1:52 minutes long. 10:07 AM: "The settlers have left the village of Marjat now." 11:01 AM: "I am with the young girl who was attacked. Her name is T. She is 25 years old. She says she was grazing her sheep near the school when one settler came and attempted to beat her with a club. She caught the club with her hand, but then three or four others joined in, beating her legs, hands, and entire body. She is limping, and her hand is limp. I don't think it's a fracture, but I am unsure. They pinned her to the floor, one of them pressed his boot against her cheek, which was on the ground so that she couldn't move, while the rest beat her with clubs."   "B'Tselem" – Documentation On Monday morning, September 16, 2024, settlers from the "Zohar Farm" outpost arrived at a house in the south of the Marjat community, in the Jericho district, in what appeared to be a deliberate attempt to create a provocation that would provide a pretext for attacking the community's residents. According to the settlers, a resident of the community attacked one of them and injured him.   At around 9:30 AM, two women fled the house towards the school, with settlers armed with sticks chasing them. The settlers entered the school grounds, shouted at activists present there, attacked them with sticks, and wounded one activist in the arm. Hearing the commotion, several students left their classrooms. One settler hit a 13-year-old student, who fled outside the school grounds. At this point, the teachers locked the classroom doors, but the settlers banged on them and the windows, attempting to break in.   Meanwhile, more settlers arrived at the school, some masked and some armed with sticks. The settlers managed to break down the door to the principal's office, where two female teachers and a first-grade student were present. The principal picked up a chair to defend himself, but the settlers attacked him, knocking him to the ground and hitting him with sticks.   They then dragged him with his feet into the yard. They also attacked the two female teachers, overturned the contents of the room, and destroyed equipment, while the student hid under the table, crying. The settlers then left the office and dragged the principal to their car. A few minutes later, soldiers and police arrived at the school, accompanied by a settler who was bleeding from his head.   The forces removed the attacking settlers from the scene and then searched the school grounds for a suspect in the attack on the settler earlier that morning. They subsequently removed the school principal from the settlers' car, handcuffed him, and placed him in a military jeep, which drove through the community. Along the way, they encountered a resident who complained about the settlers' incursion, and he was arrested as well. Both the school principal and the resident were made to sit by the roadside before being placed in the jeep and taken away.   About ten minutes after the jeep left, an ambulance arrived in the community and evacuated the wounded to Jericho hospital.   Later that day, soldiers arrived at the school and confiscated its security cameras. Following the incident, the police arrested five settlers, two of whom were minors. The school principal was interrogated, hospitalized at Hadassah Hospital under guard, and released on September 19, 2024, along with the other detainee from the community. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KZ4EX1HZYVk (Copy of a video filmed by "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" activist, Meir Bleich)   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation (Meir Bleich) In the morning, we walked alongside the herd, led by a settler who had left the Zohar Sabah  outpost. The herd first moved along the houses of Marjat, which border Road 449. Then it turned towards the settlement buildings and the school, and there we blocked it from the residents' houses.   A few minutes later, when the herd and its shepherd moved away and turned towards the entrances to Jericho, we drove to Auja, picked up a British student, and headed for Ras Ein al-Auja. Upon arrival, we were called to the village of Marjat. There, we saw several settlers running with clubs towards the school. We also ran there, and in the inner compound, we saw girls running away screaming while settlers ran amok, armed with clubs.   They attacked us. Others grabbed a Palestinian, laid him down, and beat him. Army forces arrived at the scene, and the rampage subsided.   IDF Spokesperson Statement: A report was received of an Israeli citizen who was attacked by several Palestinians in the Mevo'ot Yericho area, resulting in a head injury. Shortly thereafter, several Israeli citizens arrived at the location where the suspects had fled and hidden. A scuffle ensued, during which several Palestinians were injured.   Upon receiving the report, IDF forces and police rushed to the scene, dealt with the scuffle, and arrested several Palestinians on suspicion of attacking settlers.   Arrests   September 18, 2024 It was reported that "the detention of three additional suspects in the attack on the Palestinians in the village has been extended. Among those arrested is Zohar Sabah . He had previously entered the village and shot a Palestinian with his military weapon, which was later confiscated. The other two suspects are minors. The three are suspected of a racially motivated attack and conspiracy to commit a crime. Yesterday, the detention of another suspect in the attack, which was carried out two days ago, was extended."   Mid-September 2024 "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation Two little girls, already familiar with the local settler's routine, run away from him into the school. Gabriel Kalisch  arrives at the school area in the village of Marjat on an unspecified visit. Just two days earlier, violent settlers broke into this same school and beat students, teachers, and activists. Gabriel Kalisch  has no business being there. He is an uninvited and unwelcome person – a foreign invader whose only desire is to sow fear and terror, doing so with lip service and a fake smile. Watch the video   "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" – Documentation Straight from the Zohar Sabah  outpost, the settler emerges into the village of Marjat. This morning, he attacked one of the activists with a baton. Watch the video   September 19, 2024 Two Palestinians were suspected following the incident and referred to the Judea Military Court for their detention, despite indications that "both were being attacked, and neither was among the attackers."   The Palestinian Detainees (Flash News Live, 16.9.2024) The photos appear in the right-wing press with the note "Free Credit"   The Jerusalem District Attorney's Office has filed indictments against five settlers, two of whom are minors, for involvement in an attack on Palestinians and left-wing activists at a school in the village of Marjat. The indictments, which were filed with the Jerusalem District Court, charge the defendants with aggravated sabotage, kidnapping, trespassing, and threats—each according to their role. The three adults accused are Zohar Sabah , owner of a nearby outpost of Havva, as well as Malkiel Shmulevich  and Nes Netanel Gorelik. The prosecution is seeking to detain all of them until the end of the legal proceedings against them.   According to the indictment, the five entered the school with clubs and an axe, beating and kicking several people inside, including the school principal, causing some to suffer fractures. At the time, the Palestinian principal, two teachers, and a primary school-age student were in the school. When they realized that the settlers had entered, the principal held the door tightly to prevent entry, while the minor hid under the principal's desk.   The indictment states that the defendants broke the hand of one of the activists and fractured the principal's ribs. Defendant Malkiel Shmulevich  struck the principal while holding an axe and slammed his head against the door. Later, according to the indictment, they dragged the principal out of the school grounds, placed him in their car, and drove a short distance before handing him over to security forces. The group allegedly arrived at the scene after one of the minor defendants sustained a head injury from a thrown stone near the village school. Although the principal had no connection to the violence, he was arrested and brought to the Ofer Military Court three days later for a hearing, after which he was released.   The settlers' lawyer argued during one of the detention extension hearings that the boy who testified to being attacked had called for help using an emergency phone distributed to settlers after the murder of Benjamin Achimeir in April. The lawyer claimed that following the call, the settlers, including Zohar Sabah , arrived at the school. At a hearing held the previous evening, a police representative stated that Shmulevich had been identified as the person who attacked an individual inside the principal's office and was seen on video wielding an axe. This was also mentioned in the indictment. Shmulevich exercised his right to remain silent when questioned about it.   In late September 2024, the website Looking at "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" reported that on September 25, a group of approximately 11 settlers arrived in the village of Marjat, including Elhanan Groner, accompanied by individuals who appeared to hold positions of influence. The host was none other than Gabriel Kalisch , a Military Security Coordinator from Mevo'ot Yericho.   Military Security Coordinator from Mevo'ot Yericho, Gabriel Kalisch ("Looking the Occupation in the Eye," 8.10.2024) Military Security Coordinator from Mevo'ot Yericho, Gabriel Kalisch, and an assistant ("Looking the Occupation in the Eye," 8.10.2024) Zohar Sabah in the Field (Documentation of "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" activists, December 17, 2024)   Early January 2025   Zohar Sabah kicks a "Looking the Occupation in the Eye" activist Early February 2025   B'Tselem – Documentation A mosque and a tractor were set on fire in the village of Marjat in the central West Bank. In the documentation released by the organization B'Tselem, two individuals are seen setting fire to the building and the tractor. One of them is heard saying to the other in Hebrew: "Light it up, light it up." The police stated that they have opened an investigation and are examining a suspected crime on a nationalistic basis. Source: https://x.com/i/status/1886074119453569029   Afterword In mid-March 2025, an activist from "Bimkom – Planners for Planning Rights" stated (on the "Local Call" website) that: "Just a few weeks ago, the Commissioner of Government Property and Abandoned Lands in Judea and Samaria announced his intention to allocate 2,400 dunams of grazing land in the Ras Ein al-Auja area – the same place where the pogrom [described at the beginning of this article] took place... Officially allocating the area for the settlers' grazing needs is another step up in the cooperation that already exists between the state and the settlers in expelling Palestinian communities... This is an ongoing campaign to empty Area C of its Palestinian residents in order to enable the annexation of the West Bank while confining the Palestinians – without rights – to as small an area as possible.

In preparation for Purim, Benzi Gopstein published a quote from Rabbi Meir Kahane: "I heard that there is a Jew, Prof. Uriel Simon , with a kippah, in Oz VeShalom movement, who does not like Purim [the Jewish Holiday that commemorates the saving of the Jewish People from annihilation at the hands of an official of the Achaemenid Empire named Haman,'' as it is recounted in the Book of Esther ], but rather hates this holiday, because it symbolizes revenge... The same motive that leads him to oppose the annexation of the 'territories' to the State of Israel and certainly the Kach movement leads him not to read the Megillah reading."   Benzi Gopstein in disguise on Purim (The publications state: Photo courtesy of the photographed, February 2023)   A few words are needed about Prof. Uriel Simon and what he represents – to establish the opposite of the Kahanist Mishnah.   The Religious Zionist Stream that Advocates Restraint The religious Zionist stream that advocates "political restraint" – in contrast to the one that advocates "political messianism" (and accordingly, "breaking restraint," such as the Kahanist ideology) – claims that the political reality of our time must be understood in terms of rational and ethical social restraint. This approach aligns with the demands of Halakah in its historical development.   Representatives of this movement tend to be moderate and encourage compromise in political matters for a more historical than meta-historical self-understanding. These can be found in the religious kibbutz movement , the Oz VeShalom movement , members of Netivot Shalom  and in the Oz VeShalom – Netivot Shalom  renewed movement.   The systematic starting point of these movements is the interpretation of Halakah as a factor that, throughout history, has liberated Judaism from the excesses of ecstasy and asceticism, political romanticism, and a totalizing view of time and place understood through myths.   These religious Zionists oppose the essential lines of political extremism. They reject the attribution of complete holiness to historical and changeable phenomena, such as territorial boundaries. They oppose the blurring of rational and critical thinking by an excess of political romanticism and rhetorical sermons. Furthermore, they resist transferring personal mystical experiences – no matter how uplifting – into the realm of political events, as this can lead to undemocratic and totalitarian policies, confusing coercion with freedom, indoctrination with education, and the rise of nationalist radicalism, both secular and religious, over democratic national policies.   The Religious Kibbutz Moshe Unna  – considered the main architect of religious kibbutz ideology, a humanist and socialist who believed in the foundations of democracy – wrote (2013): "We understand that our nationalism has certain limits, and it does not need to exceed its framework. We oppose aggressive nationalism. In our opinion, no national existence can last long if it is based on the oppression of other peoples, but rather on the development of internal forces."   The key, according to Unna, is "restraint, restraint, and limiting the instinct of selfishness." Unna claimed: "The feeling of 'you chose us,' understood as an invitation to arrogance rather than as an imposition of duties, is liable to turn nationalism into chauvinism. One must state firmly that religious obligations are no license to ignore moral obligations."   Unna believed that "the humane moral attitude does not come from considerations of the good of others alone, but is first and foremost a demand on ourselves: be moral and fair, for your own good, for the purity of your virtues, regardless of the level of others... What interests me is our Jewish face, not the face of the Gentiles."   Yaakov Drori  – a religious Zionist educator, secretary general of Bnei Akiva [the largest religious Zionist youth movement in the world, first established in Mandatory Palestine in 1929, advocating the values of Torah and labor], one of the founders of the religious kibbutz movement, and the father of the Hesder yeshivot – wrote in 1945: "During the Events [the bloody clashes between the Jews and the Arabs in Israel during the period of the British Mandate], we were educated to be restrained for moral-Jewish reasons.   Today, we are educated to be a force, to hate, to be jealous. Is there not a danger in this education? Will this not create a cruel generation with extreme nationalist views? We ask: Is this moral? Is it in keeping with our Jewish worldview? Does not this perspective, in the spirit of which the youth of Israel are educated, give off the scent of 'My power and the strength of my hands have produced this wealth for me' [Deuteronomy 8:17]. Some see no other way to realize Zionism than by shedding blood."   However, Drori argued: "Zionism has decided on a path of creation and building. Youth must continue to be educated in this way. They must see weapons as a means that they will be forced to use only in times of necessity, but not as one of the primary means for achieving our Zionist goals... The role of religious youth is to serve as an example and influence the next Jewish generation to be established in this way. War in the Spirit of God and with the help of God, 'and he will be a holy teacher.'"   Oz VeShalom Movement As early as the early 1970s, thinkers and activists such as Aviezer Ravitzky  and Ariel Rosen-Zvi  expressed concern in a letter addressed to party leaders regarding "the constant drift of the National Religious Party (Mafdal) from the moderate and balanced line that characterized it, towards hardening its political positions – due to threats, pressures, and loud demonstrations."   The movement was founded within the ideological circle of Modern Orthodoxy, seeking to promote moderate religious Zionism. It primarily sought to justify a "dovish" political position from a religious perspective. The movement represented the "old elites" of religious Zionism, particularly those from academic circles, who saw themselves as preserving its values against the emerging "Gush Emunim" [an activist movement committed to establishing Jewish settlements in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Golan Heights] elite, inspired by the atmosphere and ideology of the Mercaz HaRav Yeshiva [a national-religious yeshiva in Jerusalem, founded in 1924 by Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi Abraham Issac Kook].   The movement took shape as an association founded by Moshe Unna , Zvi Yaron , Mordechai Breuer , Yosef Walek , Yeshayahu Libman , Ariel Rosen-Zvi , Uriel Simon , and Aviezer Ravitzky .   The Oz VeShalom movement published an advertisement in the Yedioth Ahronoth  newspaper (February 1974), which reads as follows: "The impression among the public is growing as if all those with a religious-national outlook are taking an extreme line on foreign and security issues. It is fitting, therefore, that religious people who disagree with this line should raise their voices.   We call on all who identify with the content of this advertisement to join us in giving us their support: (a) We do not accept the claim that Jewish law requires a political line of action that precludes territorial compromise; (b) We are in favor of freedom of action and room for maneuver for the Israeli government on the question of the state's peace and security borders, and against extremist declarations that tie its hands in advance and harm the prospects of negotiations to reach peace agreements with any of the countries in the region; (c) We are in favor of the establishment of a government with decisive power and decision-making power, which will be able to exhaust the possibilities for reaching peace agreements; (d) We are concerned about the constant drift of the National Democratic Party has moved from the moderate and balanced line that has characterized it since its founding, towards hardening its political positions.   Mordechai Breuer  claimed that "even in the days of the 'beginning of redemption,' the world behaves as it has always done. We must cultivate in our hearts an awareness of the Messianic era, and at the same time preserve the Halakah so as not to be distorted by trends."   Uriel Simon  – the son of Prof. Akiva Ernst Simon , one of the founders of "Brit Shalom" [a group of Jewish Zionist intellectuals in Mandatory Palestine, founded in 1925], later a professor of Bible at Bar-Ilan University, one of the founders of the Netivot Shalom movement and one of the most important moderate thinkers in religious Zionism – was another voice that came out strongly against the messianic and warlike positions that prevailed in the public following Operation Sinai [an Egyptian military campaign, launched in early August 2012, against Islamic militants within the Sinai Peninsula].   Prof. Uriel Simon gives a lesson (April 2011) – In according to Section 27a of the Copyright Law   Aviezer Ravitzky declared: "We have come to wonder about the postponement of the end and the intoxication of the senses, and to warn against those who seek to bring the war of Gog and Magog closer at any cost."   In mid-1980s, an advertisement was published in the Hatzohar  newspaper under the title "Time To Withstand the Burst," on behalf of the movement's leaders: "Religious Zionism is being led to a dead end: Settlement that leads to the recognition of land expropriation and a 'strong hand;' the integrity of the land at the price of denying the fundamental freedoms of others; nationalist extremism that undermines the principles of law and justice; messianism that endangers the security and integrity of the Jewish people. The time has come to return to fighting for the image of Judaism and the State of Israel for: a constructive and renewed Zionism that is ready to recognize the rights of others, while maintaining a fair and realistic compromise between Jews and Arabs while fully safeguarding Israel's security; a Judaism that respects every person created in its own image. At such a time, it is forbidden to remain silent."   Netivot Shalom Movement The movement was established in 1982 – following the First Lebanon War [1982], the Sabra and Shatila massacere [the 16–18 September 1982 killing of between 1,300 and 3,500 civilians – mostly Palestinians and Lebanese Shias – in the city of Beirut during the Lebanese Civil War, perpetrated by the Lebanese Forces, one of the main Christian militias in Lebanon, and supported by the IDF], and the demand to establish a state investigation committee – and was registered as an association in 1983. Among its prominent founders: Aviezer Ravitzky , Ariel Rosen-Zvi , Uriel Simon , Gerald Kromer , Moshe Halbertal .   The movement resembled its predecessor in its goals and its emphasis on the struggle for peace from a religious perspective, while raising the social profile of its founders. The movement tried not to be automatically identified with the "left." It demonstrated a more active media presence than the veteran group and waged several public struggles.   The outcome of these basic assumptions was the policy of restraint and restraint, which condemns extremism as contrary to the true spirit of Judaism. The Oz VeShalom movement – ​​both considering the principles it published and in the words of its leading members – supported territorial and political concessions and opposed fanaticism and extremism. Here the sentiment was on ethical rather than militant grounds, considering the belief that continued forced rule over ethnic or religious minorities, such as the Arab population of the Land of Israel, could only corrupt the democratic and ethical foundations of Jewish society.   Ultimately, its positions leaned increasingly towards the left, a trend that ultimately led to its unification with Oz VeShalom movement (see below).   Oz VeShalom – Netivot Shalom The growth of Gush Emunim, the peace agreements with Egypt and the opposition to the Lebanon War heralded the growth, and later the unification, of religious peace movements in the form of Oz VeShalom – Netivot Shalom (1998). The joined movement constituted a counter-reaction to the Messianic drift in religious Zionism.   Regardless of their differences and subtleties, in all these movements there is a religious-moral voice that rejects a forceful military ethos. Their members identified the roots of this ethos in the radical messianic view of Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook and his disciples [and by implication also of Rabbi Meir Kahane], who embraced an ethos that sanctified militant activism. The members of the movements sought to deal primarily with the practical and moral implications of the theological view of the period. They strove to return religious Zionism to its old social and spiritual values: tolerance and openness, a positive attitude towards science and secular culture, a comprehensive view of the problems and needs of Israeli society, and political moderation.   The movement renewed its activities in 2015 through the existing association, Oz VeShalom movement. Its board members: Zvi Mazeh , Eli Rebel , Gili Zivan , Leah Shakdiel . The religious Zionist perspective of the movement "sees our national revival in the Land of Israel as a moral and spiritual challenge and believes that the Torah of Israel can serve as a platform for building a moral and just society, which strives for peace and respects every person created in His image."   The leaders of the movement maintain that "we must strive to create a political reality of peace with our neighbors, based on mutual respect and cooperation... Only a just peace agreement, acceptable to both peoples, will ensure our security in the long term."   In their opinion, "under today's conditions, the pursuit of peace and justice cannot be consistent with preserving the integrity of the land, which is a central element in our consciousness and outlook, and therefore there is no escape from a fateful decision between these values."   The movement declared: "With all the pain involved, we must agree to the division of the land between us and the Palestinian people. This concession is not a sign of weakness but a courageous decision – 'The Lord gives strength to his people; the LORD blesses his people with peace' [Psalm 29:11]."   They believe that "a Jewish state must respect the dignity of every person – both Jew and Arab – since 'God created mankind in his own image, in the image of God he created them' [Genesis 1:27]." Our prolonged control over the Palestinian people distorts our Jewish identity and democratic values, undermines the rule of law, dulls our moral sensitivity, and fosters forceful tendencies – especially among the youth."   The official goals of the movement: "The movement seeks: To unite observant Jews who believe that the realization of religious Zionism today requires, first and foremost, preserving the moral integrity of Israeli society; To support the struggle for a democratic society that aspires to peace with the Palestinian people while respecting their civil and national rights; To restore belief – among both religious and secular Israelis – in the Torah of Life, whose ways are pleasant, and whose paths are peace."   Meimad Movement Following the Palestinian intifada of the late 1980s, the Oslo Accords, and the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, a religious front advocating for peace gradually emerged. This effort evolved into a more institutionalized political entity: the Meimad Movement [an acronym for Medina Yehudit, Medina Demokratit].   In addition to religious liberal groups, the movement also included moderate factions from the National Religious Party and elements from the settlement movement in the territories. The movement emphasized the value of peace, even at the cost of painful territorial compromise.   The Meimad Party was founded in 1988 by Rabbi Yehuda Amital   [ an Orthodox Rabbi and Rosh Yeshiva of Yeshiva Har Etzion].   Upon the establishment of Meimad, Uriel Simon  and Aviezer Ravitzky  addressed their fellow members of the religious Zionist community, stating: "For many years, we have struggled – together with many friends – against the distortion of religious Zionism's values. We warned against the false equation of Torah and mitzvot with nationalist extremism and a policy of 'no matter what.' Instead, we sought to elevate the Torah of Life, honor for Israel, and human dignity to the forefront of Jewish priorities. Recently, a new political party, Meimad, has been established, embracing many of the ideals for which we have fought. On the political level, Meimad calls for making the pursuit of peace the guiding principle of the Israeli state, accepting the necessity of 'painful compromises' and 'difficult decisions.' It also demands moral sensitivity—even when fighting the enemy. On the social level, Meimad seeks to shape Israeli society based on Judaism’s central values: kindness, justice, and charity. It prioritizes caring for the sick and the weak as the primary task of a religious party. Meimad will support a coalition that advances these political and social goals. Additionally, Meimad advocates for women's participation in public and religious institutions, greater educational integration, and equal rights and duties for all types of schools. We believe Meimad's success will rekindle the spirit of religious Zionism, introduce our ideas to a wider audience, and help prevent further public desecration of God's name. Considering this, we have decided to support this party and call on our community members to vote for it and help ensure its success.   Meimad Party was led by Rabbi Yehuda Amital. In the 1988 Knesset elections, the movement garnered 16,000 votes but narrowly failed to pass the electoral threshold. Consequently, it did not run independently again. In 1999, Meimad joined the One Israel list, led by the Labor Party. Its representative, Rabbi Michael Melchior  [an Orthodox Rabbi, thinker, and activist, who held the title of the Chief Rabbi of Norway], became its first Knesset member. Following the elections for the 15th Knesset, Rabbi Melchior was appointed Minister of Social and Diaspora Affairs and continued serving in the Knesset until the 18th Knesset. In the 2009 elections, Meimad ran on a joint list with the Green Movement, but did not pass the threshold.

The "Lone Farm Law," approved by the Israeli Knesset in mid-March 2025, addresses theoretically the issue of land preservation in the Negev and Galilee, as well as the prevention of agricultural terrorism. However, its practical objective is to promote land theft in Judea and Samaria, a process that, among other factors, involves Jewish terrorism.   While the law ostensibly promotes "agricultural" interests, its real foundation lies in "redemption aspirations."   A central strategy of settlers in Judea and Samaria has been the establishment of numerous "herder farms." By grazing sheep and cattle, these settlers systematically push Palestinian herder communities off their land. The Secretary General of the Amana Settlement Movement, Zeev (Zambish) Hever, stated in February 2021 that these farms are far more effective for land appropriation than traditional settlements, as they allow control over significantly larger areas. According to Hever, "one farm preserves thousands of dunams of land."   To achieve this goal, proponents of the law seek to entrench in public consciousness the importance of shepherds, who are portrayed as standing "at the forefront of practical Zionism," as well as the role of grazing land, which is framed as a critical tool in "preserving the land" – or, more accurately, a highly effective tool for expropriating it.   The consequences of this law may soon "leak" into Judea and Samaria, reinforcing a messianic ideology deeply embedded in the Habayit Hayehudi (The Jewish Home) party. In the vision of Bezalel Smotrich and the ideology of Gush Emunim [an activist movement committed to establishing Jewish settlements in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and the Golan Heights] thinkers, the Holy Land is viewed as an integral component of the messianic era. Within this framework, the Jewish state itself is elevated to a sacred status – a political expression of divine purpose.   To accelerate redemption, Minister Smotrich has devised a "mega-dramatic" plan involving sweeping measures to "change the DNA of the system" in Judea and Samaria. As part of this initiative, he is working aggressively to legalize agricultural farms, or shepherds' farms, through both administrative and legislative means.   If we examine the statements made by Habayit Hayehudi ministers, without the spatial demarcation (of the Negev and Galilee) that serves as a "foot in the door" persuasion tactic (as Minister Orit Strook stated in Karnei Shomron [an Israeli settlement in the West Bank, east of Kfar Saba]: "What we have now is only a foot in the door, compared to the potential of this place. We in Gaza will ensure that this potential is fully realized."), the broader picture becomes clear.   Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich declared: "Settlement and the possession of farms is a Zionist mission of the highest order, and the lone farms are the spearhead in the struggle to preserve the state's lands. The vote on the "Lone Farm Law" is a significant step towards strengthening settlement throughout our country."   Minister of Settlement and National Missions Orit Strook stated: "The law provides a solution for preserving the land and strengthening Jewish settlement. From a value perspective, it repositions settlement and Zionism at the forefront of the state's priorities."   From the perspective of Habayit Hayehudi's leadership, the "values of settlement and Zionism" are primarily centered on securing control over Judea and Samaria – and, more recently, expanding these efforts into the Gaza Strip. Negev and Galilee serve merely as stepping-stones toward achieving this "noble" goal.   An agricultural farm in the Jordan Valley (Photography: Idan Yaron, 27.9.2024) * Published, in an abbreviated version, on the "War Room" website, 13.3.2025.

Recently, the notion of "symmetry" has been raised in discussions concerning the treatment of women, their dignity and modesty, during times of war – in relation to Hamas fighters-terrorists on one hand, and Israeli fighters on the other.   The very procedure, of invoking "symmetry" as a means of justifying exceptional acts, is a common device employed by the right in Israel. Such a comparison inherently suggests that the actions of Israeli fighters are "less severe" when placed in relation to those of their adversaries. This type of reasoning frequently leads to historical analogies, often referencing WWII (the aftermath of which saw the development of international humanitarian law) and, in many cases, even invoking comparisons to the actions of the Nazis. These references, when used as moral benchmarks, can dangerously blur ethical lines and erode necessary restraint.   However, in ethical and moral deliberations of this nature, engaging in "comparative morality" is entirely inappropriate. Moral values, as well as the Spirit of the IDF, must never be contingent upon the actions of our enemies. The guiding principles of the IDF Spirit are derived from a range of ethical and historical sources: The tradition of the IDF and its combat legacy as Israel's defense force; The heritage of the State of Israel, built on democratic principles, laws, and institutions; The moral tradition of the Jewish people, upheld throughout generations; Universal moral values, which emphasize the sanctity and dignity of human life.   None of these sources draw any moral inspiration from terrorist organizations, nor do they justify, emulate, or validate the atrocities committed by such groups.   The IDF, its commanders, and its soldiers must uphold the highest standards of ethical conduct, ensuring that their hands remain clean, and their "arms remain pure."   "Revenge" has no place in the IDF. It is neither a "principle of war" nor a "basic stone" in the army's foundations. The conduct of the IDF is governed by military discipline, the laws of the state, and the binding directives of the General Staff and field commanders who implement them. Any deviation from these standards must result in accountability through legal proceedings and appropriate punishment.   There can be no tolerance for the emergence of rogue elements – whether militias or individuals – operating outside the ethical framework and command structure of the IDF. No alternative leadership, independent codes of engagement, or deviation from the army's foundational values can be permitted to take root within the ranks of combat units or on the fringes of the military itself. In Accordance with Section 27A of the Copyright Law