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In preparation for Purim, Benzi Gopstein published a quote from Rabbi Meir Kahane: "I heard that there is a Jew, Prof. Uriel Simon , with a kippah, in Oz VeShalom movement, who does not like Purim [the Jewish Holiday that commemorates the saving of the Jewish People from annihilation at the hands of an official of the Achaemenid Empire named Haman,'' as it is recounted in the Book of Esther ], but rather hates this holiday, because it symbolizes revenge... The same motive that leads him to oppose the annexation of the 'territories' to the State of Israel and certainly the Kach movement leads him not to read the Megillah reading."   Benzi Gopstein in disguise on Purim (The publications state: Photo courtesy of the photographed, February 2023)   A few words are needed about Prof. Uriel Simon and what he represents – to establish the opposite of the Kahanist Mishnah.   The Religious Zionist Stream that Advocates Restraint The religious Zionist stream that advocates "political restraint" – in contrast to the one that advocates "political messianism" (and accordingly, "breaking restraint," such as the Kahanist ideology) – claims that the political reality of our time must be understood in terms of rational and ethical social restraint. This approach aligns with the demands of Halakah in its historical development.   Representatives of this movement tend to be moderate and encourage compromise in political matters for a more historical than meta-historical self-understanding. These can be found in the religious kibbutz movement , the Oz VeShalom movement , members of Netivot Shalom  and in the Oz VeShalom – Netivot Shalom  renewed movement.   The systematic starting point of these movements is the interpretation of Halakah as a factor that, throughout history, has liberated Judaism from the excesses of ecstasy and asceticism, political romanticism, and a totalizing view of time and place understood through myths.   These religious Zionists oppose the essential lines of political extremism. They reject the attribution of complete holiness to historical and changeable phenomena, such as territorial boundaries. They oppose the blurring of rational and critical thinking by an excess of political romanticism and rhetorical sermons. Furthermore, they resist transferring personal mystical experiences – no matter how uplifting – into the realm of political events, as this can lead to undemocratic and totalitarian policies, confusing coercion with freedom, indoctrination with education, and the rise of nationalist radicalism, both secular and religious, over democratic national policies.   The Religious Kibbutz Moshe Unna  – considered the main architect of religious kibbutz ideology, a humanist and socialist who believed in the foundations of democracy – wrote (2013): "We understand that our nationalism has certain limits, and it does not need to exceed its framework. We oppose aggressive nationalism. In our opinion, no national existence can last long if it is based on the oppression of other peoples, but rather on the development of internal forces."   The key, according to Unna, is "restraint, restraint, and limiting the instinct of selfishness." Unna claimed: "The feeling of 'you chose us,' understood as an invitation to arrogance rather than as an imposition of duties, is liable to turn nationalism into chauvinism. One must state firmly that religious obligations are no license to ignore moral obligations."   Unna believed that "the humane moral attitude does not come from considerations of the good of others alone, but is first and foremost a demand on ourselves: be moral and fair, for your own good, for the purity of your virtues, regardless of the level of others... What interests me is our Jewish face, not the face of the Gentiles."   Yaakov Drori  – a religious Zionist educator, secretary general of Bnei Akiva [the largest religious Zionist youth movement in the world, first established in Mandatory Palestine in 1929, advocating the values of Torah and labor], one of the founders of the religious kibbutz movement, and the father of the Hesder yeshivot – wrote in 1945: "During the Events [the bloody clashes between the Jews and the Arabs in Israel during the period of the British Mandate], we were educated to be restrained for moral-Jewish reasons.   Today, we are educated to be a force, to hate, to be jealous. Is there not a danger in this education? Will this not create a cruel generation with extreme nationalist views? We ask: Is this moral? Is it in keeping with our Jewish worldview? Does not this perspective, in the spirit of which the youth of Israel are educated, give off the scent of 'My power and the strength of my hands have produced this wealth for me' [Deuteronomy 8:17]. Some see no other way to realize Zionism than by shedding blood."   However, Drori argued: "Zionism has decided on a path of creation and building. Youth must continue to be educated in this way. They must see weapons as a means that they will be forced to use only in times of necessity, but not as one of the primary means for achieving our Zionist goals... The role of religious youth is to serve as an example and influence the next Jewish generation to be established in this way. War in the Spirit of God and with the help of God, 'and he will be a holy teacher.'"   Oz VeShalom Movement As early as the early 1970s, thinkers and activists such as Aviezer Ravitzky  and Ariel Rosen-Zvi  expressed concern in a letter addressed to party leaders regarding "the constant drift of the National Religious Party (Mafdal) from the moderate and balanced line that characterized it, towards hardening its political positions – due to threats, pressures, and loud demonstrations."   The movement was founded within the ideological circle of Modern Orthodoxy, seeking to promote moderate religious Zionism. It primarily sought to justify a "dovish" political position from a religious perspective. The movement represented the "old elites" of religious Zionism, particularly those from academic circles, who saw themselves as preserving its values against the emerging "Gush Emunim" [an activist movement committed to establishing Jewish settlements in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Golan Heights] elite, inspired by the atmosphere and ideology of the Mercaz HaRav Yeshiva [a national-religious yeshiva in Jerusalem, founded in 1924 by Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi Abraham Issac Kook].   The movement took shape as an association founded by Moshe Unna , Zvi Yaron , Mordechai Breuer , Yosef Walek , Yeshayahu Libman , Ariel Rosen-Zvi , Uriel Simon , and Aviezer Ravitzky .   The Oz VeShalom movement published an advertisement in the Yedioth Ahronoth  newspaper (February 1974), which reads as follows: "The impression among the public is growing as if all those with a religious-national outlook are taking an extreme line on foreign and security issues. It is fitting, therefore, that religious people who disagree with this line should raise their voices.   We call on all who identify with the content of this advertisement to join us in giving us their support: (a) We do not accept the claim that Jewish law requires a political line of action that precludes territorial compromise; (b) We are in favor of freedom of action and room for maneuver for the Israeli government on the question of the state's peace and security borders, and against extremist declarations that tie its hands in advance and harm the prospects of negotiations to reach peace agreements with any of the countries in the region; (c) We are in favor of the establishment of a government with decisive power and decision-making power, which will be able to exhaust the possibilities for reaching peace agreements; (d) We are concerned about the constant drift of the National Democratic Party has moved from the moderate and balanced line that has characterized it since its founding, towards hardening its political positions.   Mordechai Breuer  claimed that "even in the days of the 'beginning of redemption,' the world behaves as it has always done. We must cultivate in our hearts an awareness of the Messianic era, and at the same time preserve the Halakah so as not to be distorted by trends."   Uriel Simon  – the son of Prof. Akiva Ernst Simon , one of the founders of "Brit Shalom" [a group of Jewish Zionist intellectuals in Mandatory Palestine, founded in 1925], later a professor of Bible at Bar-Ilan University, one of the founders of the Netivot Shalom movement and one of the most important moderate thinkers in religious Zionism – was another voice that came out strongly against the messianic and warlike positions that prevailed in the public following Operation Sinai [an Egyptian military campaign, launched in early August 2012, against Islamic militants within the Sinai Peninsula].   Prof. Uriel Simon gives a lesson (April 2011) – In according to Section 27a of the Copyright Law   Aviezer Ravitzky declared: "We have come to wonder about the postponement of the end and the intoxication of the senses, and to warn against those who seek to bring the war of Gog and Magog closer at any cost."   In mid-1980s, an advertisement was published in the Hatzohar  newspaper under the title "Time To Withstand the Burst," on behalf of the movement's leaders: "Religious Zionism is being led to a dead end: Settlement that leads to the recognition of land expropriation and a 'strong hand;' the integrity of the land at the price of denying the fundamental freedoms of others; nationalist extremism that undermines the principles of law and justice; messianism that endangers the security and integrity of the Jewish people. The time has come to return to fighting for the image of Judaism and the State of Israel for: a constructive and renewed Zionism that is ready to recognize the rights of others, while maintaining a fair and realistic compromise between Jews and Arabs while fully safeguarding Israel's security; a Judaism that respects every person created in its own image. At such a time, it is forbidden to remain silent."   Netivot Shalom Movement The movement was established in 1982 – following the First Lebanon War [1982], the Sabra and Shatila massacere [the 16–18 September 1982 killing of between 1,300 and 3,500 civilians – mostly Palestinians and Lebanese Shias – in the city of Beirut during the Lebanese Civil War, perpetrated by the Lebanese Forces, one of the main Christian militias in Lebanon, and supported by the IDF], and the demand to establish a state investigation committee – and was registered as an association in 1983. Among its prominent founders: Aviezer Ravitzky , Ariel Rosen-Zvi , Uriel Simon , Gerald Kromer , Moshe Halbertal .   The movement resembled its predecessor in its goals and its emphasis on the struggle for peace from a religious perspective, while raising the social profile of its founders. The movement tried not to be automatically identified with the "left." It demonstrated a more active media presence than the veteran group and waged several public struggles.   The outcome of these basic assumptions was the policy of restraint and restraint, which condemns extremism as contrary to the true spirit of Judaism. The Oz VeShalom movement – ​​both considering the principles it published and in the words of its leading members – supported territorial and political concessions and opposed fanaticism and extremism. Here the sentiment was on ethical rather than militant grounds, considering the belief that continued forced rule over ethnic or religious minorities, such as the Arab population of the Land of Israel, could only corrupt the democratic and ethical foundations of Jewish society.   Ultimately, its positions leaned increasingly towards the left, a trend that ultimately led to its unification with Oz VeShalom movement (see below).   Oz VeShalom – Netivot Shalom The growth of Gush Emunim, the peace agreements with Egypt and the opposition to the Lebanon War heralded the growth, and later the unification, of religious peace movements in the form of Oz VeShalom – Netivot Shalom (1998). The joined movement constituted a counter-reaction to the Messianic drift in religious Zionism.   Regardless of their differences and subtleties, in all these movements there is a religious-moral voice that rejects a forceful military ethos. Their members identified the roots of this ethos in the radical messianic view of Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook and his disciples [and by implication also of Rabbi Meir Kahane], who embraced an ethos that sanctified militant activism. The members of the movements sought to deal primarily with the practical and moral implications of the theological view of the period. They strove to return religious Zionism to its old social and spiritual values: tolerance and openness, a positive attitude towards science and secular culture, a comprehensive view of the problems and needs of Israeli society, and political moderation.   The movement renewed its activities in 2015 through the existing association, Oz VeShalom movement. Its board members: Zvi Mazeh , Eli Rebel , Gili Zivan , Leah Shakdiel . The religious Zionist perspective of the movement "sees our national revival in the Land of Israel as a moral and spiritual challenge and believes that the Torah of Israel can serve as a platform for building a moral and just society, which strives for peace and respects every person created in His image."   The leaders of the movement maintain that "we must strive to create a political reality of peace with our neighbors, based on mutual respect and cooperation... Only a just peace agreement, acceptable to both peoples, will ensure our security in the long term."   In their opinion, "under today's conditions, the pursuit of peace and justice cannot be consistent with preserving the integrity of the land, which is a central element in our consciousness and outlook, and therefore there is no escape from a fateful decision between these values."   The movement declared: "With all the pain involved, we must agree to the division of the land between us and the Palestinian people. This concession is not a sign of weakness but a courageous decision – 'The Lord gives strength to his people; the LORD blesses his people with peace' [Psalm 29:11]."   They believe that "a Jewish state must respect the dignity of every person – both Jew and Arab – since 'God created mankind in his own image, in the image of God he created them' [Genesis 1:27]." Our prolonged control over the Palestinian people distorts our Jewish identity and democratic values, undermines the rule of law, dulls our moral sensitivity, and fosters forceful tendencies – especially among the youth."   The official goals of the movement: "The movement seeks: To unite observant Jews who believe that the realization of religious Zionism today requires, first and foremost, preserving the moral integrity of Israeli society; To support the struggle for a democratic society that aspires to peace with the Palestinian people while respecting their civil and national rights; To restore belief – among both religious and secular Israelis – in the Torah of Life, whose ways are pleasant, and whose paths are peace."   Meimad Movement Following the Palestinian intifada of the late 1980s, the Oslo Accords, and the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, a religious front advocating for peace gradually emerged. This effort evolved into a more institutionalized political entity: the Meimad Movement [an acronym for Medina Yehudit, Medina Demokratit].   In addition to religious liberal groups, the movement also included moderate factions from the National Religious Party and elements from the settlement movement in the territories. The movement emphasized the value of peace, even at the cost of painful territorial compromise.   The Meimad Party was founded in 1988 by Rabbi Yehuda Amital   [ an Orthodox Rabbi and Rosh Yeshiva of Yeshiva Har Etzion].   Upon the establishment of Meimad, Uriel Simon  and Aviezer Ravitzky  addressed their fellow members of the religious Zionist community, stating: "For many years, we have struggled – together with many friends – against the distortion of religious Zionism's values. We warned against the false equation of Torah and mitzvot with nationalist extremism and a policy of 'no matter what.' Instead, we sought to elevate the Torah of Life, honor for Israel, and human dignity to the forefront of Jewish priorities. Recently, a new political party, Meimad, has been established, embracing many of the ideals for which we have fought. On the political level, Meimad calls for making the pursuit of peace the guiding principle of the Israeli state, accepting the necessity of 'painful compromises' and 'difficult decisions.' It also demands moral sensitivity—even when fighting the enemy. On the social level, Meimad seeks to shape Israeli society based on Judaism’s central values: kindness, justice, and charity. It prioritizes caring for the sick and the weak as the primary task of a religious party. Meimad will support a coalition that advances these political and social goals. Additionally, Meimad advocates for women's participation in public and religious institutions, greater educational integration, and equal rights and duties for all types of schools. We believe Meimad's success will rekindle the spirit of religious Zionism, introduce our ideas to a wider audience, and help prevent further public desecration of God's name. Considering this, we have decided to support this party and call on our community members to vote for it and help ensure its success.   Meimad Party was led by Rabbi Yehuda Amital. In the 1988 Knesset elections, the movement garnered 16,000 votes but narrowly failed to pass the electoral threshold. Consequently, it did not run independently again. In 1999, Meimad joined the One Israel list, led by the Labor Party. Its representative, Rabbi Michael Melchior  [an Orthodox Rabbi, thinker, and activist, who held the title of the Chief Rabbi of Norway], became its first Knesset member. Following the elections for the 15th Knesset, Rabbi Melchior was appointed Minister of Social and Diaspora Affairs and continued serving in the Knesset until the 18th Knesset. In the 2009 elections, Meimad ran on a joint list with the Green Movement, but did not pass the threshold.

The "Lone Farm Law," approved by the Israeli Knesset in mid-March 2025, addresses theoretically the issue of land preservation in the Negev and Galilee, as well as the prevention of agricultural terrorism. However, its practical objective is to promote land theft in Judea and Samaria, a process that, among other factors, involves Jewish terrorism.   While the law ostensibly promotes "agricultural" interests, its real foundation lies in "redemption aspirations."   A central strategy of settlers in Judea and Samaria has been the establishment of numerous "herder farms." By grazing sheep and cattle, these settlers systematically push Palestinian herder communities off their land. The Secretary General of the Amana Settlement Movement, Zeev (Zambish) Hever, stated in February 2021 that these farms are far more effective for land appropriation than traditional settlements, as they allow control over significantly larger areas. According to Hever, "one farm preserves thousands of dunams of land."   To achieve this goal, proponents of the law seek to entrench in public consciousness the importance of shepherds, who are portrayed as standing "at the forefront of practical Zionism," as well as the role of grazing land, which is framed as a critical tool in "preserving the land" – or, more accurately, a highly effective tool for expropriating it.   The consequences of this law may soon "leak" into Judea and Samaria, reinforcing a messianic ideology deeply embedded in the Habayit Hayehudi (The Jewish Home) party. In the vision of Bezalel Smotrich and the ideology of Gush Emunim [an activist movement committed to establishing Jewish settlements in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and the Golan Heights] thinkers, the Holy Land is viewed as an integral component of the messianic era. Within this framework, the Jewish state itself is elevated to a sacred status – a political expression of divine purpose.   To accelerate redemption, Minister Smotrich has devised a "mega-dramatic" plan involving sweeping measures to "change the DNA of the system" in Judea and Samaria. As part of this initiative, he is working aggressively to legalize agricultural farms, or shepherds' farms, through both administrative and legislative means.   If we examine the statements made by Habayit Hayehudi ministers, without the spatial demarcation (of the Negev and Galilee) that serves as a "foot in the door" persuasion tactic (as Minister Orit Strook stated in Karnei Shomron [an Israeli settlement in the West Bank, east of Kfar Saba]: "What we have now is only a foot in the door, compared to the potential of this place. We in Gaza will ensure that this potential is fully realized."), the broader picture becomes clear.   Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich declared: "Settlement and the possession of farms is a Zionist mission of the highest order, and the lone farms are the spearhead in the struggle to preserve the state's lands. The vote on the "Lone Farm Law" is a significant step towards strengthening settlement throughout our country."   Minister of Settlement and National Missions Orit Strook stated: "The law provides a solution for preserving the land and strengthening Jewish settlement. From a value perspective, it repositions settlement and Zionism at the forefront of the state's priorities."   From the perspective of Habayit Hayehudi's leadership, the "values of settlement and Zionism" are primarily centered on securing control over Judea and Samaria – and, more recently, expanding these efforts into the Gaza Strip. Negev and Galilee serve merely as stepping-stones toward achieving this "noble" goal.   An agricultural farm in the Jordan Valley (Photography: Idan Yaron, 27.9.2024) * Published, in an abbreviated version, on the "War Room" website, 13.3.2025.

Recently, the notion of "symmetry" has been raised in discussions concerning the treatment of women, their dignity and modesty, during times of war – in relation to Hamas fighters-terrorists on one hand, and Israeli fighters on the other.   The very procedure, of invoking "symmetry" as a means of justifying exceptional acts, is a common device employed by the right in Israel. Such a comparison inherently suggests that the actions of Israeli fighters are "less severe" when placed in relation to those of their adversaries. This type of reasoning frequently leads to historical analogies, often referencing WWII (the aftermath of which saw the development of international humanitarian law) and, in many cases, even invoking comparisons to the actions of the Nazis. These references, when used as moral benchmarks, can dangerously blur ethical lines and erode necessary restraint.   However, in ethical and moral deliberations of this nature, engaging in "comparative morality" is entirely inappropriate. Moral values, as well as the Spirit of the IDF, must never be contingent upon the actions of our enemies. The guiding principles of the IDF Spirit are derived from a range of ethical and historical sources: The tradition of the IDF and its combat legacy as Israel's defense force; The heritage of the State of Israel, built on democratic principles, laws, and institutions; The moral tradition of the Jewish people, upheld throughout generations; Universal moral values, which emphasize the sanctity and dignity of human life.   None of these sources draw any moral inspiration from terrorist organizations, nor do they justify, emulate, or validate the atrocities committed by such groups.   The IDF, its commanders, and its soldiers must uphold the highest standards of ethical conduct, ensuring that their hands remain clean, and their "arms remain pure."   "Revenge" has no place in the IDF. It is neither a "principle of war" nor a "basic stone" in the army's foundations. The conduct of the IDF is governed by military discipline, the laws of the state, and the binding directives of the General Staff and field commanders who implement them. Any deviation from these standards must result in accountability through legal proceedings and appropriate punishment.   There can be no tolerance for the emergence of rogue elements – whether militias or individuals – operating outside the ethical framework and command structure of the IDF. No alternative leadership, independent codes of engagement, or deviation from the army's foundational values can be permitted to take root within the ranks of combat units or on the fringes of the military itself. In Accordance with Section 27A of the Copyright Law

Motivations for Settling in the City of Jericho Various motives led members to strive for resettlement in the city of Jericho. These included: Religious reason: Jericho is considered the key to Israel's redemption; Historical reason: Jericho was a Hebrew city during biblical times and the Mishnah era, continuing as such until the eighth century and in various other periods. Many great men and prophets of Israel lived there; Security reason: Jericho has historically been regarded as "The lock of the Land of Israel" (Bamidbar Rabbah 15:15), and remains a central crossroads near the country's eastern border; Political reason: Settling in Jericho was seen as a measure to prevent the implementation of the Alon Plan and the perceived risk of ceding the Jericho area to Jordan; Economic and agricultural appeal: Since ancient times, Jericho has been considered a fertile and desirable place to live. It has been described as "well-watered everywhere, like the garden of the LORD" (Genesis 13:10), and remains an oasis with abundant water and vegetation.   In a memorandum submitted by the Jericho settlement Gar'in (lit. "kernel") to the Government (Hanukkah 5735 – December 1974), it was stated: "Its historical past, geographical location, urban uniqueness in the region, and proximity to Jerusalem give it great importance – both security-wise and economically... to realize the Jewish people's right to reside in all the cities in which our people have lived, especially those where great men and prophets of Israel resided. It has always been known that Jericho is the key to the redemption of Israel."   Preparation, Establishment of the Gar'in, and Attempts at Settlement (1973-1977) At the end of 1973, Rabbi Meir Kahane's followers attempted to establish a "settler yeshiva" in Jericho. Rabbi Kahane called on his students to settle there for political reasons: "The completion of a significant part of a new defense line west of Jericho makes it clear that Israel and Jordan have agreed to an initial withdrawal." Spiritually, he viewed the settlement as a continuation of the path of prophets Elijah and Elisha, who worked in the Jericho area. The planned yeshiva was to be named "Aderet Eliyahu," symbolizing the lifting of Elijah's mantle and the continuation of his mission.   In early June 1974, a foundation conference was held for the settler yeshiva, initiated by Rabbi Aryeh J. Julius and Menachem Carmel. The plan was to establish the yeshiva in the ancient Shalom Al Israel Synagogue in Jericho, under Rabbi Reinman, with the goal of settling families. Shortly afterward, the Gar'in members sent a letter to Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Ministers Israel Galili and Shimon Peres, requesting government support for the yeshiva. They also published a call for participants.   Rabbi Kahane initially considered disguising the yeshiva as the "Mrs. Alberta and Dr. Martin Luther King Institute for Human Relations," to avoid evacuation, but this plan was never realized. Shimon Rahamim, a close associate of Kahane, coordinated the Yeshiva's establishment and liaised with Gush Emunim – an activist movement committed to establishing Jewish settlements in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and the Golan Heights.   A few months later, a foundation conference for the Gar'in was held, attended by 30 members, with the presence of Rabbi Moshe Levinger, a Gush Emunim and a prominent leader of the Yesha Council (The umbrella organization of all the local authorities in Judea, Samaria and the Jordan Valley).   However, Rabbi Kahane later admitted: "I was unable to recruit enough students for the yeshiva in Jericho (I propose to transfer the money collected for this purpose to the settlers of Hanan Porat [an orthodox rabbi, educator and politician who was amongst the founders of the Gush Emunim movement])" As a result, many of Kahane's followers joined the Gush Emunim Jericho Settlement Gar'in instead.   In September 1974, a meeting at the Gush Emunim office brought together representatives of both groups, leading to their unification into a single Gar'in. The idea of establishing "Aderet Eliyahu" became a key goal. The Gar'in's secretary was Shimon Rahamim, with later leadership including Shmuel Fromer, Rabbi Aryeh J. Julius, and Lehi member and writer Ezra Yakin ("Elnakam"). Over the following months, many people – both secular and religious – joined, with Rabbi Kahane's followers becoming a minority.   The Jericho settlement Gar'in became the largest and most active among Gush Emunim's groups. Officially registered as an association with around 100 members, its activities included meetings, Shabbat gatherings, tours to Jericho, and repeated settlement attempts.   Shortly afterward, the Jericho settlement Gar'in sent a letter to various officials, including the Prime Minister. It stated: "These are the people, and this is the plan. Your Excellencies, for over two years, Jews have been requesting to settle in the Land of Israel – simply put, to settle in the land. For over two years, the government of Israel has been preventing them from doing so. We present to you a list of those willing to settle and their plan. See for yourselves and judge. Greetings from the Jericho Community Secretariat." Attached to the letter were two pages listing the names of 30 families and 47 single individuals, including prominent figures such as Prof. Yosef Ben Shlomo and Lehi member Julie Thornberg.   Several Gar'in members were young Haredi men who concealed their identities due to potential backlash from their communities. Most members were religious, with a minority being secular. Ultimately, fewer than a quarter of those listed settled in Mitzpe Yeriho (see below).   Eventually, Hanan Porat informed Minister Galili that the Gar'in, under "heavy pressure" from the movement, would accept a temporary settlement at the Kalia Hotel on the Dead See, or a new settlement above the cliffs at Jericho Junction. According to the Gar'in' veterans, six to eight attempts were made to establish a foothold in Jericho.   On the eve of Simchat Torah [the Jewish holiday that celebrates and marks the conclusion of the annual cycle of public Torah reading, and the beginning of a new cycle], October 1974, a "surrounding operation" was conducted by Gush Emunim. Hundreds of activists set out to establish positions in several places in Judea and Samaria. Most of them set out in the direction of Jericho. They bypassed the IDF checkpoints on foot or attempted to arrive on foot through Wadi Qelt and other routes. Some of them managed to reach west Jericho, and a large group arrived near the edge of Wadi Qelt, where they were blocked by the IDF. The evacuation lasted several days. Additional groups continued to leave for the area for about a week. Dozens were arrested by the police. Some of the members of the Gar'in arrived on Friday, close to Shabbat, to the abandoned villa complex that was intended for the residence of Jordanian officers east of Jericho, where they stayed all Shabbat and were evacuated on Shabbat night.   At the end of February 1975, the members of the Gar'in published a booklet describing the history of Jericho as a Hebrew city and the various options available for settlement in the Jericho area. The booklet was written largely by Gadi Kopel, one of the founders of the Mitzpe Yeriho settlement.   In July 1976, over a hundred members of the Jericho settlement Gar'in attempted to reach Jericho. The plan was to stay there for two days, establish a symbolic settlement, and carry out various activities: operating a sit-in and a tour to Qumran [located about 1.5 km from the northwestern shore of the Dead See, about 10 km south of Jericho]; as a protest against the prevention of settlement in the place. They encountered checkpoints and managed to reach Mount Quruntul [known as "Mount of Temptation" – the city of Jericho lies at the feet east of the mountain]. They brought a lot of equipment with them but were evacuated after a few hours.   On the first night of Sukkot 5778, September 1977, the Jericho settlement Gar'in set off after the holiday as part of Gush Emunim's Settlement Operation. The convoy included a bus full of members of the group and supporters, and several private cars. The destination was an area of state land west of Jericho, not far from the military government building. After much jostling, they were arrested by the police.   A Story About Rabbi Meir Kahane and the Establishment of the Gar'in (1977) "In 5777, we traveled with the rabbi to a conference held in the city of Safed. As we passed Jericho on our way, the car suddenly swerved due to a flat tire. When we got out of the car, a magnificent view of the city of Jericho appeared before our eyes and we were enchanted by the magical smell. The rabbi told us that this is where the prophet Elijah ascended into heaven, and to our shame, we still do not have a Jewish settlement here. 'Tomorrow, God willing, we will establish a settlement,' he added.   We repaired the tire and continued our way, and the rabbi's words were forgotten from our hearts. The next morning, the rabbi arrived at the office and asked, 'So, is everything ready?' We did not know what the rabbi was talking about. And the rabbi said, 'What happened to you? We are establishing a settlement in Jericho.'   The rabbi began preparations and received the enthusiastic blessing of Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook [The son of Abraham Isaac Kook, and Rosh Yeshiva of Mercaz HaRav], for the establishment of a yeshiva and settlement in the place called 'Aderet Eliyahu.' However, to our shame, the Israeli government has never allowed Jews to settle in Jericho, but the Jericho settlement Gar'in that the rabbi established founded the settlement of Mitzpe Yeriho, which today numbers over two hundred families. May it multiply."   Letter to Prime Minister Menachem Begin (July 1978) – Rabbi Meir Kahane "Honorable Prime Minister... All this is in addition to your order to stop the establishment of settlements; to the arrest of members of the Jericho settlement Gar'in last Sukkot, after they tried to settle there; to the offer of autonomy to the Arabs of Judea and Samaria; to the offer to give up all of Sinai; to the offer of citizenship to the Arabs of Judea and Samaria; to the lie of a group that will go to Shiloh [an ancient city and sanctuary in ancient Israel, serving as one of the main centers of Israelite worship during the pre-monarchic period] under the guise of archaeologists (so that the world does not know that a settlement is being established there)... Before you destroy your life, which you have built for sixty great years, and before you drag Israel into disaster, I ask you to think, think carefully, and return to what you once were. And know that even if Menachem Begin is not Menachem Begin – Meir Kahane will be Meir Kahane. In the love of Israel, Meir Kahane."   Protest against the entry of right-wing activists into the city (November 2010) Dozens of residents of the moshavim and kibbutzim in the Jordan Valley demonstrated near Jericho, protesting the entry of right-wing activists into the city, which is under full control of the Palestinian Authority. The right-wing activists entered the Jericho area without permission. Eight of them were arrested by security forces, but some managed to evade arrest. A member of Kibbutz Almog said: "We are not willing for people who do not live in this area to enter places here, destroy relations with neighbors, and leave us with scorched earth… We have peace with the Palestinians here. All warmongers of all kinds will return home."   The protest by the residents of the area came against the backdrop of the activities of the Jericho settlement Gar'in, with the aim of encouraging the return of Jewish settlement in the city. The activists were engaged in propaganda, as well as unauthorized entries into the ancient Naaran Synagogue [Naaran was a Jewish settlement during the Mishnah and Talmud period. In 1971, a settlement known as Yitav, an abbreviation of  Yad Yitzhak Tabenkin , was established approximately ten kilometers north of Jericho, near the mouth of Wadi Auja]. The activists insisted that, according to the Oslo Accords, they are allowed to stay there.   The right-wing activists intended to stay there on Shabbat, but the police and the army were deployed in large forces and on Friday arrested 19 people. Instead, the activists held Shabbat at a nearby point, and upon its conclusion, began trying to enter the city again.   Meir Bertler from the "Jewish Cities Gar'in," who was a partner in the right-wing activists' organization, said that "due to the police harassment, we decided that every Shabbat has a Shabbat after-party, and therefore we held a Melaveh Malkah meal [held after the Sabbat' in order to figuratively escort the "Sabbath Queen" on her way out via musical performances, singing and eating] inside Jericho. The activities will continue as long as necessary. At any time and at any time." In response to the claims of the settlers of the Jordan Valley, Bertler said that "the city of Jericho has belonged to the people of Israel for generations. We will continue to work to renew the Jewish presence in the place. We are confident that the majority of the Israeli public supports us in our struggle to renew our presence in these historical places, such as Jericho and Nablus, which are a symbol of the nation and a triumphant testimony to our right to the land."   Yeshiva Opens in Ancient Naaran Synagogue (November 2014) For the first time since Jericho was abandoned under the Oslo Accords, a new yeshiva has been established there. On Friday morning, yeshiva students entered the ancient in Naaran Synagogue for the first time. The students studied Chapter 2 of the Book of Joshua, which addresses the conquest of Jericho and begins: "Then Joshua son of Nun secretly sent two spies from Shittim. 'Go, look over the land,' he said, 'especially Jericho'".   During the gathering, it was noted that the Synagogue – whose remains were first discovered in Naaran in 1918 during a bombing raid in World War I and further excavated in 1921, revealing a mosaic floor decorated with Hebrew symbols and imagery – is currently neglected and in a state of disrepair. Each passing day without roof restoration and mosaic preservation causes irreversible damage to both the synagogue and the Jewish historical presence in the area. Mosaic fragment, ancient Naaran Synagogue, permission: "Creative Commons" (Photo: Dr. Avishai Teicher, October 2011)   Mitzpe Yeriho – Testimony of Moshe Neiman (August 2016) The site being built, permission: "Creative Commons" (Photo: Gad Pinhas Kopel, October 1977)   Moshe Neiman, a follower of Rabbi Meir Kahane, stated: "I first heard about the idea of establishing a Jewish settlement in Jericho from the rabbi himself. Until then, aside from efforts in Hebron, settlements had mostly been attempted in isolated hilltop areas. Arab towns were generally not considered targets for settlement. Rabbi Kahane believed cities like Nablus and Jericho should also become targets for settlement activity, and that efforts should be focused there. His vision did not remain theoretical; it inspired us. My friends from the Kach movement and I organized and planned to establish a yeshiva in Jericho. Even before settling there, we envisioned calling it 'Aderet Eliyahu.' To us, this name symbolized our mission: just as Elijah ascended into heaven in a whirlwind, leaving his mantle ( aderet ) to Elisha, we saw ourselves as the continuers of Jewish settlement in Jericho. Our primary goal was the ancient Shalom Al Israel Synagogue. We gathered beds and mattresses, and others collected books, chairs, and tables for us. We tried repeatedly, but each attempt ended in eviction.   Later, Gush Emunim formed the Jericho settlement Gar'in. Our two groups united, deciding to settle Jericho with renewed determination. Near the mouth of Wadi Qelt, within Jericho's municipal boundaries, there were approximately 700 dunams of state land. Following Israel's political shift in 1977, a partial government agreement permitted establishing a settlement there. At the end of Elul 5737 (September 1977), we arrived in large numbers, hopeful and resolute. Unfortunately, complexities within the government were greater than anticipated. Ezer Weizman, then the Minister of Defense, strongly opposed our settlement, and our eviction soon followed. Some were taken to a military base near Jericho, and others were detained at the Russian Compound [in Jerusalem]. After a brief detention, we resolved: 'This time we are not going home.'   We moved to Mishor Adumim [a settlement founded two years earlier, located about 10 minutes' drive from Jerusalem], which became our temporary refuge. We set up tents and occupied a building provided by Kibbutz Hafetz Haim [a religious kibbutz in central of the country]. For Sukkot, we converted the building into a sukkah. On the first day of the holiday, we sat there peacefully, but during Chol HaMoed [the intermediate days of Passover and Sukkot], Uri Bar-On, assistant to Minister of Agriculture Ariel Sharon, approached us with a proposal. He suggested we relocate to an area already approved for development adjacent to the emerging Ma'ale Adumim settlement.   We visited the site and found it barren – a desert without trees or water, simply wasteland. What about our dream of settling in historic Jericho, with its streams, springs, and fertile valleys? We had to make a swift decision. Some insisted, 'Jericho or nothing,' while others argued, 'Let's build where we can. Temporary settlement is better than none. We'll build and wait; as soon as the government permits us to move to Jericho, we'll relocate immediately.' With emotions running high and no consensus in sight, we agreed to disagree. Those who accepted the temporary solution have remained in the suggested site for approximately 40 years, still gazing longingly toward Jericho.   The initial Settlement Gar'in comprised several families and approximately thirty young men and women, some religious and some secular, united by the shared aspiration to establish a communal settlement. However, aspirations differed from reality. Tensions between groups became evident from the very first days. Leaders such as the Great Rabbis [Gdolim] Levinger, and Hanan Porat invested considerable effort to mediate these tensions. Newcomers visited, attempting to bridge and ease differences. Although these efforts did not fully achieve the desired unity, they had a beneficial impact: meetings became calmer, even though Gar'in disagreements persisted. Eventually, the split was inevitable. In 1980, the secular members left to establish the settlement of Vered Yeriho near Jericho, while the religious members remained. Importantly, the division was not based primarily on religious issues. Most secularists were focused on agricultural work, dreaming of cultivating land and greenery, whereas the religious members were predominantly urban residents and yeshiva graduates. Their dreams were less agricultural and more aligned with the concept of a community settlement. Thus, each group pursued its path and fulfilled its aspirations. Vered Yeriho flourished with palm and fruit trees, while our community emerged as a residential settlement with some greenery, though less pronounced than our neighbors. The split left no bitterness, and warm relations continue to this day between both communities.   During the initial months, there was no organized public transportation, and many residents lacked private vehicles. Nevertheless, travel from the settlement was sometimes necessary. To reach Jerusalem, we walked to the main road, where we boarded Arab taxis or buses. The journey to the road was long and challenging – muddy in winter floods and scorching under the summer sun. Arab transportation proved safe and reliable; passengers showed respect, with younger Arab men frequently offering their seats to the women from our settlement. While we experienced no security threats due to the absence of nearby Arab villages, we encountered other issues. Early on, we realized local Bedouins specialized in theft. The laundry left outside disappeared, chairs and tables vanished mysteriously, and bicycles went missing. To deter such theft, we made it clear through decisive action that interference with us was undesirable. The message quickly took effect, and thefts significantly decreased.   Upon our arrival, there was virtually no water or electricity, just rocks inhabited by snakes and scorpions. The first nights were spent outside in sleeping bags on rocky terrain, often interrupted by scorpion stings protesting our invasion into their habitat. Soon, military tents provided by Gush Emunim were erected, followed by ten rented mobile trailers. Moshe Weingarten, one of the founding members, transported these trailers individually from Tel Aviv. However, the trailers, intended for temporary travel rather than permanent living, lacked stability and swayed noticeably when occupied, making everyday tasks difficult.   Our living conditions were diverse. Besides tents and trailers, we acquired ten tin 'bartons,' originally meant for storage but adapted by us into residential structures. Learning from past mistakes, we recognized the necessity of a stable foundation. Volunteers from the Ein Vered Circle – a Labor Movement group supportive of settlement initiatives – provided significant assistance. Together, we poured concrete foundations for the bartons, and constructed communal buildings, including the dining hall and synagogue. Their expertise in manual labor and construction greatly contributed to establishing Mitzpe Yeriho in a challenging desert environment.   The winter days were hard. The shacks were not insulated. Initially, we weren't connected to the electricity grid, so we made do with electricity from a rented generator. We constantly had to prioritize essential appliances, turning off others to conserve the limited power available. Electric heaters were out of the question, and the nights were bitterly cold. Necessity made us creative, improvising wood-burning stoves from old tin water heaters to keep warm as we waited hopefully for the next season.   When summer arrived, we realized how foolish it had been to construct tin houses in such a location. We hadn't anticipated how unbearably hot it would become. The metal heated intensely, making daytime entry into the houses impossible. Touching the walls resulted in burns. On cool nights, we splashed water onto the tin walls, and the breeze cooled them just enough for us to enter safely.   Those were challenging days. We stood guard at night and labored hard during the day. We built the huts, houses, and infrastructure ourselves, fostering an experience marked by originality.   About four months after settling, we received 48 cinder blocks from the Ministry of Housing. That morning, by chance, I was in Jerusalem. Suddenly, on Jeremiah Street, I saw a convoy of trucks loaded with cinder blocks, some spray-painted in red with the inscription 'Mitzpe Yeriho.' Overjoyed, I stood in the middle of the road, dancing. The driver repeatedly honked and nearly ran over me yelling, 'Move, move!' When he reached the settlement, he shared his astonishment with everyone: 'I've transported cinder blocks all over the country, but I've never had anything like this happen. First, a man dances wildly near Shoresh, then another dances in Jerusalem, and here you're welcoming me as if I'm bringing a Torah scroll!' I then understood I wasn't the first to celebrate this way. The enthusiastic man near moshav Shoresh [not far from Jerusalem] was Baruch Marzel, originally from Jericho before his later years in Hebron.   Such joyous receptions weren't limited to trucks. About six months after the settlement began, a bus stop for line 43 was established. At first, it serviced just two buses – one at 7:00 in the morning and another at 17:00 – but we danced and celebrated around it as if it marked the coming of the Messiah himself.   As mentioned, I arrived at the settlement in its earliest days after my military service, as a bachelor. In 1981, I married Malka and brought her here. By 1982, the construction of permanent homes had started, and since then, the settlement has significantly grown – so much that we no longer know all the residents personally. Schools, kindergartens, and homes continue to emerge, and while this growth is gratifying, nothing compares to the excitement of those pioneering days. Even now, I often enthusiastically tell my wife, 'Let's leave and start a new settlement,' driven by the extraordinary experience that left me yearning for more.   My deepest regret is the lack of awareness regarding the importance of preserving sites from our early days. It's unfortunate that the settlement lacks a visitors' center and that we failed to preserve the original synagogue hut and dining room. Many don't view preservation as valuable, discarding old artifacts without a second thought. Consequently, there's almost nowhere in our community where we can say, 'This building stood here when it all began.' We have little to show our children, future generations, tourists, or visitors. There's no monument, sign, or image commemorating the pioneering founders, some of whom have passed away. Perhaps someday, a memorial room with an audiovisual exhibit will be established, allowing visitors to experience a glimpse of our pioneering spirit. We can only hope". Mitzpe Yeriho, in Accordance with Section 27A of the Copyright Law   Baruch Marzel's Eulogy for Arie Bar Nathan (Jericho settlement Gar'in)  (Originally published on Nrg, 5 September 2016). "I met Arie Bar Nathan more than 40 years ago in Jericho settlement Gar'in. Although he did not wear a kippah, as a yeshiva graduate, I was continually amazed by his profound knowledge and love for the Bible. He belonged to a generation that traveled the country holding the Bible in their hands, capable of engaging in meaningful and informed discussions about it. Unfortunately, today's public discourse often feels superficial, since we typically interact with individuals who lack deep familiarity with the Bible – even among yeshiva students.   The Jericho settlement Gar'in, founded by Rabbi Kahane ZTs"L, underwent numerous relocations and evacuations. The Gar'in participated in Gush Emunim's encirclement campaign. After multiple evacuations, we decided not to return home but instead built a makeshift camp of cardboard boxes and tents in Mishor Adumim. From this challenging environment emerged the Gar'in communities of Kfar Adumim and Ma'ale Adumim. After weeks enduring the harsh conditions, a delegation approached Arik Sharon, who exclaimed, 'What? You're still not at the designated site?' (of present-day Mitzpe Yeriho). The secretariat urgently convened and resolved to immediately establish an advanced outpost there, with trailers and additional members to follow shortly.   Arie Bar Nathan and I volunteered. Within hours, we unloaded a truck full of equipment – mostly scrap metal – onto the mountain now housing the Mitzpe Yeriho Yeshiva. Waiting on mattresses, we endured scorching heat and flies during the day, sandstorms in the evening, and relentless mosquitoes at night. We had no communication devices. I explored the surroundings and explained to curious Bedouins that the true owners had arrived, while Arie spent his time immersed in reading and study.   I vividly remember a late-night debate Arie had with a reserve patrol, led by a major from Tirat Zvi [a religious kibbutz in the Beit She'an Valley]. Arie passionately argued that a large, flourishing settlement would rise in that barren spot, prompting laughter from the soldiers. Their commander called him delusional, pointing to our scrap-metal heap in the desert. In response, Arie recalled how, in his youth, he'd helped a struggling community called Tirat Zvi, surrounded by enemies and beset by swamps, social challenges, and internal problems.   Although I supported Arie's words, I confess my belief wasn't as unwavering as his. Today, each time I visit Mitzpe Yeriho, I witness Arie Bar Nathan's vision realized."   Restriction on Entry to Synagogues in Jericho (February 2022) In early 2022, the IDF restricted access to historic synagogues in Jericho. Previously, weekly visits occurred at Shalom Al Yisrael Synagogue, extending to Naaran Synagogue and nearby Tel Jericho, coordinated with and secured by the military due to security concerns. The IDF ceased regular visits to these synagogues, permitting entry only to general tourist sites in Jericho.   In February 2022, tensions escalated when a group of Jewish worshippers entered Shalom Al Yisrael Synagogue. Local Arabs rioted, throwing stones at both visitors and soldiers. IDF forces dispersed the rioters using riot-control measures and warning shots while evacuating the worshippers from the scene.   Mevo'ot Yericho Mevo'ot Yericho, in Accordance with Section 27A of the Copyright Law (Facebook Site of the Settlement) Mevo'ot Yericho is a settlement located in the southern Jordan Valley, north of Jericho, approximately 150 meters below sea level. It is administered by the Jordan Valley Regional Council. The settlement sits in the Wadi Auja valley, one of the largest stream channels in Binyamin. Nearby settlements include Yitav. Around ten kilometers north of Jericho lies the town of al-Auja al-Tahta.   Established in 1999, Mevo'ot Yericho initially functioned as a research and agricultural experiment station (Acclimatization Farm). It evolved informally into a residential community and, despite lacking official authorization at the outset, gradually expanded. By 2004, about 14 families resided there, and by 2006, that number increased to 21 families. Currently, the settlement has approximately 60 families, comprising about 400 residents who lead a religious lifestyle. Agriculture remains central to community life, with many residents involved in date farming and sheep herding.   On September 15, 2019, the Israeli government convened at the Valley Monument complex to formally recognize Mevo'ot Yericho's legal status. This followed Attorney General Dr. Avichai Mandelblit's withdrawal of earlier objections. At this meeting, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reaffirmed his commitment to applying Israeli sovereignty to the Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea region, announcing the formation of a special working group to draft a detailed plan for this process. He further stated intentions to incorporate all Israeli settlements in Judea and Samaria into the broader "Centennial Plan," emphasizing their significance to security and heritage.   On October 10, 2019, the Supreme Planning Council of Judea and Samaria approved a construction plan for Mevo'ot Yericho, including 182 new housing units, educational facilities, public buildings, and industrial and commercial areas. This marked the initial phase of a broader plan intended to accommodate 350 families.   The current demographic makeup includes around 45 families with roughly 200 children, most aged between 0-12. Residents are a diverse mix of native Israelis, new immigrants, agricultural workers, tech professionals, yeshiva students, skilled tradespeople, and others aged between 20 to 60. As of December 2022, Mevo'ot Yericho held the highest proportion of children relative to its population in Israel, at 73%.   Housing options in Mevo'ot Yericho include both temporary and permanent structures. Presently, the community includes approximately 40 caravans (temporary homes), 25 permanent houses, and several homes in various stages of planning or construction. New families moving to the settlement must initially reside in a caravan for at least one year to integrate into community life. After this acclimatization period, families may apply to join the local residents' association. Upon acceptance, families can secure land rights, pay plot development fees, and initiate private construction. Plot sizes range from half a dunam to 1.2 dunams.   Existing community facilities include a mikveh  (ritual bath), two kindergartens, a daycare center, a library, classrooms, a secretarial office, a community club, and several residential buildings.

"He laid his money on the deer's horn" – A figurative expression referring to someone who has risked their money or invested in a business or endeavor doomed to fail.   The Nahala movement issued the following statement, as part of a donation campaign it is conducting during the month of Adar: "Since the beginning of the war – alongside our ongoing activity in Judea and Samaria – the Nahala movement has adopted another national goal: fostering a flourishing and prosperous Jewish settlement throughout the Gaza Strip. From the very place where evil emerged in its incarnation, light and salvation will grow for the people of Israel… We invite you to take part in this important mission, integrating the commandment of the half-shekel [a temple tax paid by Israelites and Levites (based on Exodus 30:13); Some communities still practice giving a half-shekel  before Purim Holiday] with the commandment of settling the land, which is considered equivalent to all other commandments [according to the Sages, proposing that the  mitzva  of settling the Land of Israel is such a dear  mitzva  that it includes all the  mitzvot  and embraces the entire Torah]."   The tradition of giving half-shekel  in the month of Adar is intended to "revive the souls of the poor on Purim" – bringing them joy on the holiday itself – rather than serving other dubious national goals, beyond the state's borders, which do not contribute to the needs of Israeli society in any way. The redemptive vision of Nahala movement chairperson Daniela Weiss – who advocates an arm combination, which includes "defeating the enemy, conquering the entire Gaza Strip, Jewish immigration and settlement" – reflects the movement's grandiose and expansionist tendencies. Photography: Idan Yaron

Elchanan Shkolnik is a graduate of religious-national Torah education. He completed his 12 years of compulsory education at the Talmud Torah and a high school yeshiva in Kfar Hasidim. He later continued his studies at the Yeshivat Hesder of Akko (Acre) and the Itamar Higher Yeshiva. Elchanan Shkolnik is g graduate of a combat unit. Later, he dedicated many years to youth guidance in various settings and played a key role in coordinating and establishing social movements.   In early January 2022, Elchanan Shkolnik was appointed the new coordinator of the young leadership of the Otzma Yehudit party, led by MK Itamar Ben-Gvir. Ben-Gvir welcomed him, calling on the youth to join the movement "to save the State of Israel." The young leadership's mission within Otzma Yehudit is "to develop its members into better and more pious leaders and individuals."   Elchanan Shkolnik expressed his commitment, stating: "For the past three years, I have been working around the clock within Otzma Yehudit for the sake of the people of Israel, under the full guidance of the Grand Rabbi Dov Lior." Elchanan Shkolnik at the Otzma Yehudit youth stand at the Nahala rally in Jerusalem (Photography: Idan Yaron, February 27, 2025) Regarding the Samaria sector, Shkolnik stated that the Central Command of the IDE, Yehuda Fox, instructed battalion fighters to distribute candy and banknotes to local children in Nablus, with messages reading "We love you," along with comic books portraying the IDF positively. The fighters opposed this directive.   Shkolnik views Nablus as a unique case, distinct from Gaza. He notes that there is no unified government or cohesion between the population and terrorist groups – terrorists operate there, but alongside them are uninvolved civilians. The atmosphere in Nablus, he claims, is notably different.   Amidst these discussions, a moving story emerged, reflecting the complexity of both the IDF and Israeli society during wartime.   Full Disclosure: I have known Elchanan's father, Yoram, for many years. In my book The Skolnik Saga: Ideological Murder of a Tied Terrorist  (2017) – the product of three years of in-depth conversations – I detailed the murder of a Palestinian terrorist in captivity, committed by Yoram Shkolnik.   In a TikTok video discussing restrictions imposed by the Prison Service on Palestinian security prisoners (according to a directive of Minister Itama Ben-Gvir), Elchanan Shkolnik remarked: "My father eliminated a terrorist in 1993. I asked him, 'Dad, tell me, did you get fruit in prison?' He responded that during the eight and a half years he spent there (for no crime of his own, since he killed a terrorist – therefore, I reject the term 'murder' despite the court's ruling), he was starved and denied any fruit or preferential conditions."   Elchanan Shkolnik on a family visit during reserve service in Nablus (Photo courtesy of Elchanan Shkolnik) Regarding the Samaria sector, Shkolnik stated that the Central Command of the IDE, Yehuda Fox, instructed battalion fighters to distribute candy and banknotes to local children in Nablus, with messages reading "We love you," along with comic books portraying the IDF positively. The fighters opposed this directive.   Shkolnik views Nablus as a unique case, distinct from Gaza. He notes that there is no unified government or cohesion between the population and terrorist groups – terrorists operate there, but alongside them are uninvolved civilians. The atmosphere in Nablus, he claims, is notably different.   Amidst these discussions, a moving story emerged, reflecting the complexity of both the IDF and Israeli society during wartime.   Full Disclosure: I have known Elchanan's father, Yoram, for many years. In my book The Skolnik Saga: Ideological Murder of a Tied Terrorist  (2017) – the product of three years of in-depth conversations – I detailed the murder of a Palestinian terrorist in captivity, committed by Yoram Shkolnik.   In a TikTok video discussing restrictions imposed by the Prison Service on Palestinian security prisoners (according to a directive of Minister Itama Ben-Gvir), Elchanan Shkolnik remarked: "My father eliminated a terrorist in 1993. I asked him, 'Dad, tell me, did you get fruit in prison?' He responded that during the eight and a half years he spent there (for no crime of his own, since he killed a terrorist – therefore, I reject the term 'murder' despite the court's ruling), he was starved and denied any fruit or preferential conditions." Elchanan Shkolnik on a family visit during reserve service in Nablus (Photo courtesy of Elchanan Shkolnik)   "Candy for Children" Elhanan Shkolnik, Nablus (Facebook, October 31, 2023):  "This is not a coming-out-of-the-closet post, but I would like to share something personal that has been occupying my mind for the past week... I know it may upset a lot of people, and it would have been much easier for me to move on with my life without posting this here.   It was another moonless night. A column of fighters marched silently toward an unknown village in the Nablus sector. The target – a sensitive and accessible Hamas terrorist (charged with weapons possession and terrorism). The house was searched, but nothing was found. A squad entered the adjacent house, where a woman, a relative of his, sat with five small children, all watching in horror at what was happening. The kitchen was in ruins – cupboard by cupboard, a light push, and the wood crumbled in on itself. Abandonment dominated everything. Extreme poverty loomed from every side.   Feverishly, we searched for weapons, carrying out the mission we were sent to complete. Everyone was looking, but in a daze, I stopped. I gazed at the children and their mother with a piercing look. My weapon was cocked, my finger trembling on the trigger guard, ready for any scenario.   The mother and children looked down in fear, shrinking away. In my mind's eye, the five children became my sisters, and the young mother – my older sister.   Gritting my teeth, I forced my thoughts back to the October 7 massacre. Anger welled up inside me as I recalled the bloody testimonies of murder, rape, and looting committed against my brothers and sisters.   I looked back at them. Their terrified gaze was reflected in their hollow pupils. There was no evil in them. I made sure of this with a prolonged look.   We finished searching the house and prepared to leave. A strong struggle took place inside me. I put my hand involuntarily into my pocket. I paused for a moment. I counted six candies. I placed them in front of the woman. She bowed slightly and slowly, then I turn toward the door.   The young mother returned my gaze with gratitude, nodding slightly. A spark of humanity passed between us. I closed the door gently, and a storm gripped me.   I am aware that many of my followers may express disgust and may not understand what I went through – especially given my political background and known opinions. But I am at peace with myself. I know that I did the right thing. We are not like them. Who knows? Maybe they will forever remember, despite all the brainwashing they endure, that there was a soldier different from the monster they had been told about. Who knows? Maybe I saved five future terrorists."   Supportive and Compelling Responses: N.K. [initials of respondents]: "We need to be the opposite of these evildoers and show them that we have not lost our humanity. You did the right thing."   K.B.: "It means that despite everything you personally go through (family, as well as in reserve service), political opinions aside, and despite what the people have endured for generations – your heart still prevails. You are not them."   D.M.: "You wrote it yourself – 'We are not them!' That's the whole story. Continue carrying out your tasks with the utmost professionalism and humanity and take care of yourself."   A.R.: "Thank you for sharing. You are a good person, a Jew. That's who we are – humans first and foremost."   A.T.: "You are a Jew, and secondly, you are a human being with humanity. That's what distinguishes us."   M.K.: "Crazy internal dissonance! You did what your heart told you to do, and most importantly – you followed an order. Look for weapons of murderers! Not murdering children!"   Y.K.: "I believe that's what you should have done. Even if their relatives are terrorists, and maybe they will be too when they grow up, it's a good thing that, in the end, you'll come back to yourself or to another Jew who will be in need."   Y.H.: "You're a human being, that's all. You have a heart and feelings. We're not them. You have nothing to apologize for. On the contrary, we're not animals. Our opinions stem from the need – and, especially, the desire – to survive and live. We're not like them, and it's a good thing that's the case. Now I know that this is not only the strongest army in the world, but also the best army in the world. And leave me alone with the moral crap."   A.B.: "You're a human being, my friend. You're just a human being. When you break down all the chaos that's happening here, some people are simply interested in living. Continue your holy work with this sensitivity, where your life, the soldiers' lives, and ours are the highest value."   S.N.: "This is the difference between us and the terrorists. Every supporter of Otzma Yehudit would behave exactly like you."   ASH"T: "The most correct, true, and humane thing to do! I wish those children would burn that candy into their memory and, from there, choose a life full of joy, color, and sweetness instead of a life of hatred, evil, and violence. No matter how immense the pain and anger for what they did, we are not them! We are human, full of dreams for a good life and a beautiful future. We are a people full of compassion and love. No matter how hard we try, we cannot be the heinous murderers full of hatred like them. If they had been raised properly and educated with normal textbooks instead of brainwashing, they would not be like that. If you educate for evil, hatred, and lies – this is the result!"   M.K.: "Congratulations. You are a special person. It is not easy to combine operationalism, righteousness of the path, and fighting the enemy with the recognition of human beings who are sometimes caught in the middle against their own will – and sometimes not. You did it in the most beautiful way one can think of. Be strong and courageous!"   M.M.: "Well done! Humanity and compassion have never killed anyone."   B.S.: "You acted correctly, wisely, and in a way that does not contradict your political position. There is no contradiction between being right-wing, even extremist, and being a human being."   Y.S.: "The most humane there is. The most Jewish there is. I wish you and us never to lose that."   D.N.G.: "You are a pure Jew!"   N.H.: "The soul of a Jewish homie lives within you."   H.S.A.: "Wow! I simply have no other words to describe this post! I think you did the right thing, despite everything."   M.L.: "You were emotional, bro!"   Dismissive and Negative Responses A.P.: "I am familiar with this reality – the operational tension and the emotional burden. But during combat, we must harden our hearts. Emotions must not influence operational decisions. A mix of emotions during war can cost soldiers their lives. This does not mean we should be needlessly cruel, but the operation must be carried out as if there were no children, no families, and no emotions involved. If you feel it is too much for you, step back and ask to be replaced. It is completely legitimate to struggle with the emotional burden. It is certainly difficult."   A.P.: "We are merciful men, but only as long as it does not compromise the operation. Never forget what they think of you."   A.P.: "The mother might be a victim of her terrorist husband, or she might be covering for him. Unfortunately, women have been known to shield terrorists in the past. I don't know the truth in this case. I hope she is not a terrorist."   D.S.: "On the one hand, you have proven yourself a Jew with a soul of light and goodness. On the other hand, unfortunately, the future of Jewish-Arab relations will not be determined by a single woman with five children. She has no power to make peace, even if she desires it. Her children have no power to resist becoming terrorists, even if they wish to. Their leaders decide for them – leaders who see peace with Jews as treason. These children are raised to hate Jews and to kill them."   B.A.: "All of that, and yet two Mercedes cars in the parking lot. The children were scared, just like the Hamas terrorists were scared. But fear is not what stops them from committing crimes. They will forget the candy by the next day at school when others incite them against the Zionist enemy."   S.A.: "You are right about the emotional turmoil, but reason must prevail. This is the enemy. I imagine the same thoughts ran through the minds of the Convoy of 35 (Hebrew  Lamed He , which stands for "thirty-five" – a convoy of Haganah  and Palmach  fighters sent during the 1947-1948 War in Mandatory Palestine on a mission to reach by foot and resupply the blockaded Kibbutzim of Gush Etzion. They were spotted before they could reach their destination – allegedly by an Arab shepherd, whom they graciously let go – and killed in a prolonged battle by Arab irregulars and local villagers). But war is 'us or them.' The children you gave candy to will grow up to be the martyrs of the next generation. Don't be fooled."   T.: "The children who received candy 20 years ago are the same 25-year-olds who slaughtered our children less than a month ago [October 7]. A child raised in an environment of hate – where Itbach al Yahud  (Slaughter the Jews) is taught in kindergartens and summer camps – cannot be bought with candy."   N.H.: "We are human. They are animals. That is why we think differently. As for the 'candy' – after the October 7 massacre, I see no goodness in them. Those who slaughtered our children, raped our daughters, and desecrated their bodies do not deserve any 'sympathy.'"   D.A.: "My dear, this time you were gravely mistaken."   J.A.: "You are a real fool. Stop pitying them."   M.S.: "'He Who is Compassionate to the Cruel Will Ultimately Become Cruel to the Compassionate.' The same children we gave candy to 15 years ago are the ones who massacred the Jewish people. No matter what you offer them, they will hate you and wish for your suffering. No one in Gaza gives our children candy. The Israeli people have a tendency to pity those they should not and to be cruel to those they should protect."   D.L.: "I respect you, but all you've done is feed candy to future terrorists. As they say: the children of 2014 are the terrorists of 2023. If you think that, in the future, one of them will say, 'The soldiers destroyed our house, but one gave me candy, so I won't commit an attack,' then you do not understand who we are fighting."   A.B.: "Your humanity is clear. That is not new. The question is, what is your role in this situation? To comfort the woman and children, or to leave them in fear?"   R.R.: "Your compassion shows the depth of your soul as a Jew. Even after the horrors they committed, you remain human. I understand your feelings, but despite the difficulty, do not forget: 'Remember what Amalek did to you… blot out the remembrance of Amalek from under heaven.' These children will grow up to be martyrs and terrorists."   A.S.: "The education these children receive and the ideology they absorb are stronger than your candy."   Internal Correspondence Between Negators and Elchanan Shkolnik: A. – A Companion for Girls in Sherut Leumi  (an alternative voluntary form of national service, as opposed to the mandatory military conscription prevalent in the country.): "A friend [A.H.] shared the post you published. We had a brief discussion about it, and I want to share my thoughts with you.   First, I want to thank you for protecting us with your body. However, for our sake, I believe you are truly confused. The Creator, who knows precisely who is good and who is not, has said, 'He showers compassion on all his creation' [Psalms 145:9]. But we do not know. Right now, we are in a state of war. This is not the time to bring candy to anyone who is in any way, even subtly, connected to the enemy of the people of Israel – those who rejoiced after the massacre committed against us. The reality is that 90% of them will become terrorists. This is the education and culture they grow up with. There is a difference between morality and mercy.   We must adopt a policy of adino   haetzni  [a term referring to Tachmoni, one of King David's warriors, known for being both a brave man and a wise scholar. Some attribute the phrase to King David himself. Talmud: When he studied Torah, he was delicate as a worm. When he fought in battle, he was tough as wood ( Moed Katan  16b).] The children in question have been told by their mother that there is a war with IDF soldiers. If they see a tough IDF soldier, but then that soldier gives them candy, it creates distortion. This is not the time for such gestures during war.   The Psalms say: 'You save the humble but bring low those whose eyes are haughty' (Psalms 18:27). In present terms: With Arabs, you speak in Arabic. This is not cruelty. On the contrary, we are the sons of the Creator, and we were commanded to fight those who belong to the enemy camp. This includes not showing kindness to a terrified child who is currently on the other side. The people of Israel sent you to fight. Take an example from King David and his wars – he did not show pity to anyone who belonged to the enemy camp.   Indeed, while there is a command that a 'fourth side' of a besieged city must remain open as an evacuation corridor, those who choose to stay declare themselves as enemies and must be treated as such. You may argue that the children do not choose their fate, and that Hamas prevents them from leaving. That is true, but no one is forcing you to kill them. However, this is a war, and awareness must be instilled in them that IDF soldiers are not to be trifled with. They are being educated to become terrorists. The question is, what will they remember about IDF soldiers during their training? Will they remember them as kind or as figures to be feared?   What is better for the people? King David, at times, was very harsh with his enemies, to ensure they would not dare to rise against Israel or defy the will of God. This war is about restoring the desecrated glory of God.   Additionally, a note on Amalek: A Midrash states that before Sennacherib [the second king of the Sergonid dynasty, and one of the most famous Assyrian Kings mentioned in the Hebrew Bible) confused the nations, Amalek mixed with Ishmael to escape his wrath. You will return in peace in the name of God, and through you, salvation will come to the people. You will feel how the hand of God works through you to avenge the vengeance of the people."   Elhanan Shkolnik – Reply: "Dear National Service girls, I was excited to see that my post sparked a discussion in your service apartment – that was one of its main goals. The broader context here is the difference in circumstances and location. The activity took place in Nablus, not Gaza. Why is this important? First, the war started in Gaza, not Nablus. Second, the level of terrorism in Nablus is not comparable to that in Gaza, nor is the number of those involved in it. We have occupied the Nablus sector for a month, and the area remains relatively calm. The target of our operation was a Hamas member, and the presence of weapons in his house was the condition for his criminalization. If weapons were found, he would be guilty; if not, he was presumed innocent. We thoroughly searched his house and found nothing. To be cautious, we expanded the search to the neighboring house, where his sister-in-law lived with her children. Again, we left no trace of its original form but found nothing. Yes, this is a time of war, but the war was not there. The little children are not part of the current conflict. I have conducted many arrests in my life, and I can recognize when hatred has built up against us. In this case, the mother and children did not show hatred – only fear, not hostility. Their expressions indicated they clearly understood the balance of power. They saw that we were focused on our mission – searching for weapons, not harming them. They will remember the deterrence we projected and, more importantly, they will see that we are not like their portrayal of us.   Humanity is humanity. Children are children. The mother and children were uninvolved. If they were involved, that would be a different story. Many arrests I have made ended differently because the individuals were involved in terrorism.   The people of Israel did not send me to reserve duty. You did not send me. No one did. I volunteered myself. I put my first degree on hold, while my peers completed theirs, so that I could serve.   To the point: A child's gaze is an innocent gaze. This is not a child who grew up in Gaza; this is a child from a struggling family simply trying to survive. The mother is just another mother – waking up at six in the morning, working until six in the evening, providing for her children. Her brother-in-law is her brother-in-law. If there is no intelligence indicating otherwise, she is uninvolved. The assumption was that she did not want to be linked to terrorism, which is why the weapons were probably not hidden in her house – if there were such at all."   I see that many sources have been cited here. I would like to raise the issue of the prophet Jonah, who did not want to save Nineveh and was severely rebuked by God. Nineveh was so full of lewdness and murder that it was destined to be destroyed. God rebukes him for the castor oil plant, for which he did not labor for even a minute, and for the entire city, He did not have mercy.   I would also like to remind you of the story of our forefather Abraham – how he pleaded for the entire city of Sodom, the symbol of wickedness, evil, and sadism. Did our forefather Abraham deviate from straight morality? According to your calculation, it sounds like he did. The Torah describes how Abraham troubles the Lord of the universe by pleading that perhaps a few righteous people might be found so that the entire city would not be destroyed. I could also continue with the drowning of the Egyptians in the sea when God asks the people of Israel why their sons are drowning, and they are singing a song.   I don't want to argue, but it sounds like you're being dichotomous in your approach to the subject, coming from a classic Arielian greenhouse position. [Ariel is an ideological movement designed to "raise a generation of God's servants who work to increase holiness, observe Torah and mitzvot in perfection, work independently, live modestly, and be socially engaged in the way of Rabbi Avraham Yitzhak HaCohen Kook – a generation of active and caring leaders who create change in the Israeli nation to advance it toward building Ariel." This is the view held by most youth in the national religious community today.] That's fine, but just don't be so complacent and confident in your teaching.   The example of Nineveh shows that God does not destroy a city of wicked people with a single blow but rather waits for a response. In my case, these were children under ten years old.   A.H.: "Regarding Nineveh, I didn't understand what you meant. Under ten years old –and then? Keep in mind that, according to the Sages, Gentiles are suspected of bloodshed, without Ishmael being suspected of it at all. What does their age have to do with it? Ishmael was a 13-year-old boy. He wasn't bad. He was righteous at the time. That's what God says. Are you God, who knows whether these children are righteous or not? We are required to learn from the actions of our ancestors unequivocally, and God, the Creator of the world. 'For the LORD your God is a merciful God' [Deuteronomy 4:31], you are merciful too. But remember that to the extent that the Creator of the world is merciful, 'The LORD is a jealous and avenging God; the LORD takes vengeance and is filled with wrath' [Nahum 1:2]. In addition, unfortunately, it is not possible for us to reach the level of our ancestors. We are not perfect like them. We have the potential to be like them, but it doesn't seem that we are… Keep up the good work, and represent the IDF in a tough way, so that they don't mess with us in the future. In the end, the children of ten years ago are the terrorists who committed the massacre. Yes, there is Hamas activity in Nablus too – you didn't go there to have fun."   In General, vs. In Particular Elhanan Shkolnik concluded by saying that his act does not represent any political sub-group or ideology. He refers to a specific situation at a specific time, in which he was required to make a personal-moral decision.   In general, distributing candy to Arab children goes against the dictates of his conscience: First, if you distribute candy to children collectively as a policy, you will inevitably give candy to the children of future terrorists as well; Second, He does not support "wild Western solutions" and does not try to curry favor with them. Candy will not buy children, nor will it make them replace a murderous ideology with a positive one-time gesture; Third, such an act could present us as weak, sycophantic, and defeatist. No one there would interpret it as a noble gesture.   In particular, the situation was entirely different: First, it was an isolated incident, not a systematic approach; Second, he did not hand out candy to those who were definitely the children of terrorists or child-terrorists; Third, the soldiers "broke the house" for those children; Fourth, they woke them up from their sleep; Fifth they made them and their mother cry; Sixth, he saw a look of fear in their eyes, not hatred. "Prisoner's Identification Card" of Yoram Shkolnik   Shkolnik Senior's Response – "On Candy and Sympathy" "I will begin by saying that I, the little one, am not a rabbi, politician, or soldier, so I do not have the authority or knowledge to decide on matters of life and death. Therefore, I think that my opinion has no real importance.   Moving on to the debate between Elhanan and the female guides of the National Service, I can only say: 'Both these and those are the words of the living God' [Babylonian Talmud, Eruvin, 13:2]. Abraham's attitude towards Ishmael was based on 'from the place where he is' [Genesis 2:17] – judging him according to what he was at that moment, not what he would become in the future. Sarah, on the other hand, foresaw the dangers to come and therefore wanted to expel Ishmael as a preventive measure. God sided with Sarah and told Abraham: 'Listen to whatever Sarah tells you' [Genesis 21:12].   In the army, everything is divided into three parts. We face an enemy who is Muslim, Arab, and Palestinian. Each of these elements is murderous, and the combination of all three is certainly so. Therefore, I do not accept the distinction between Gaza and Nablus. Similarly, I do not accept the claim that there is a fundamental difference between the Arabs of Gaza, the Arabs of Judea and Samaria, and the so-called 'Arabs of Israel.'   We did not start a war with the Arabs. For over a century, we have been subjected to murderous attacks and wars, with the enemy seeking to destroy us – men, women, and children. Given this reality, we have no choice but to fight back fiercely. Unfortunately, innocent people are also killed in war. This is a war of survival, not a war of choice. If we must choose between our lives and the lives of the 'uninvolved' among our enemies, my choice is unequivocal."   Despite all this, in everyday life, when I encounter an Arab (on the street, on the bus, as a craftsman, etc.), I adopt the rule of 'respect him suspect him' [Tractate Derekh Eretz Rabbah, 5]. I will not turn my back on him, but I will treat him with courtesy. I am aware that he most likely wants to murder me or at least is happy when others do so.   Nevertheless, in my dealings with Arabs, as private individuals, I make a distinction between actual terrorists and someone about whom there is doubt (although on the national level, the considerations are sometimes different, and even 'innocent' people are harmed as a side effect.   I believe that if we had behaved properly towards terrorists, many 'uninvolved' lives would have been saved. If there were no restrictions whatsoever on the opening fire orders, and it were permissible and even obligatory to shoot to kill at any nationalist event directed at us (without a 'suspect arrest procedure'); if over the years there had been a death penalty for terrorists, or at least harsh conditions in prison, as Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir has instituted (instead of the summer camp that was in place all these years); if there had been no negotiations with terrorist organizations, and certainly not the release of terrorists, but an all-out war; and a long list of other steps that could have been taken, but politicians, military personnel and above all judges who are captives of defeatist concepts and a lack of knowledge of the enemy prevented this – then deterrence would have been more effective, the enemy would have sat quietly, and in any case we would not have been forced to go to war, in which even 'non-involved' people are killed.   It is precisely the 'moral' policy of the 'left' – which is intended to save human lives, and which cares so much about the Arabs they love so much – that causes the opposite effect: an endless continuation of the conflict, and therefore more and more bloodshed on both sides, including 'non-involved' people.   I make a distinction between a nationalist Arab, who expresses his hatred towards us in actions or words, and an Arab who we do not know what is in his heart, and who, at least outwardly, arouses sympathy [pleasure and feelings of identification with the other]. With such an Arab, I follow the rule 'respect him and suspect him.' There are so many Arabs who externalize their hostility, so it is a shame to use the quality of justice against those who are not like that, and it is better to direct the negative energies towards those whose position is beyond doubt, and to fight them with all our might. If we do this, deterrence will return, and those who sit on the fence will see our determination and prefer not to mess with us. It is precisely the confusion that we transmit in our fight against the terrorists that they interpret as weakness, not nobility, and encourages them to continue their war against us.   Therefore, in the face of every 'nice' Arab, I return kindness and courtesy; but woe to the person who chooses another path! Unfortunately, Arabs do not always value kindness. Therefore, this must be done with great caution. On the battlefield, it is essential to be doubly careful, and it is not always possible to be nice.   Handing out candy to children is humane and moving; it suits my traits and my worldview very well. We need to be 'our own kind:' gentle towards those who do not fight us and raise an iron fist towards our enemies."   In the end, I am glad that Elhanan, my son, knew how to make the distinction. I believe that in this particular case, I would have acted like him. This is the education I gave my children. I believe that this trait is very important to our humanity, because we do not want to descend to their level and become human monsters ourselves; all of this – on the condition that we fight the terrorists without compromise." Shkolnik Junior on Shkolnik Senior Twenty-four years ago, my father was released from prison, after eight and a half agonizing years. My father is, in my eyes, the most noble and beautiful figure in the world. The features of a king, his blue, piercing eyes, his whole being says respect/   My father is molded from three main principles: first, the love of God with every fiber of his soul; second, the love of the people of Israel that knows no bounds; third, the love of the land without compromise, without bias, and out of patriotism and abysmal Zionism.   My father has no shortcuts. The truth is a candle at his feet at any given moment. A simple man outwardly, but so deep inwardly.   My father has a systematic Mishnah [i.e., doctrine] for everything he does and thinks about. There are no shortcuts. No shortcuts. Everything is pure and deep thought.   One of the things I envy about him is that no one can testify after getting to know him that they do not love him, that my father did not show his decency towards him, and that he has never met a man so humble, honest and righteous.   I am so proud of my father, love him so much, and hope that God will repay each and every one who dared to hurt and harm the Messiah of the Lord ["Do not touch my anointed ones," Psalms, 125:15], for not doing wrong to him, just because he put his life in his hand ["And he put his life in his hand and struck down the Philistine," 1 Samuel, 19:5], and did a worthy deed [like David did in his time]."

Yonatan Kuznitz, head of the Karnei Shomron local council (as of 2024), a settlement east of Kfar Saba. was born and raised in the settlement. He studied at the Bnei Akiva Givat Shmuel Yeshiva and the Bnei Akiva Hashomron Yeshiva in Karnei Shomron – both part of a central Zionist-religious educational network. Later, he pursued higher education at the Sha'arei Mishpat Academic Center (whose board of directors is chaired by Zevulun Orlev, a former MK, Minister of Welfare and Social Services and leader of the National Religious Party). Kuznitz has also been active in the right-wing movement "Im Tirtzu – Building a Zionist Society," which aims to "strengthen the values of Zionism in Israel." Upon submitting his candidacy for the position of council head, the Srugim ("Knitted") website (Intended for surfers from the Religious-Zionist stream) wrote: "Another candidate to head the Srugim Council."   Recently, Kuznitz made a controversial statement: "Part of sovereignty is to encourage the voluntary immigration of Arabs from Judea and Samaria. Jenin should be like Khan Yunis. Once we destroy these places, there will be nowhere for them to return to anyway." He further clarified his stance, asserting: "There is no difference between the population in Gaza and the population in Judea and Samaria. They are the same bloodthirsty enemy, who sanctify the murder and killing of Jews. The time has come to intensify operations against terrorists and the Palestinian Authority throughout all of Judea and Samaria, not just in the north. Additionally, voluntary migration should be encouraged in parallel – just as was done in Gaza." Kuznitz united both the politicians and the army, urging: "This is the time to act."   His statements suggest an apparent ideological overlap between certain strands of religious Zionism (wearers of knitted kippot – small skullcaps typically worn by Israeli Jewish men who support Israel's policy of colonizing the West Bank) and the Kahanist movement. Given this alignment, it is unsurprising that Kuznitz was the preferred candidate of the Otzma Yehudit party in the local elections. The party even released a list of "mayors of councils that the movement supports," with Kuznitz among them.   Kuznitz rhetoric also earned him the backing of the extremist movement "Fighting for Life," which promotes the message: "There is no future in Palestine." The movement endorsed his remarks on migration, stating: "Voluntary migration – or migration out of lack of choice – is the only way. Only when the Arabs realize there is no future in 'Palestine' and leave Gaza, Judea and Samaria, Jaffa, and Umm al-Fahm will the people of Israel be able to fulfill their true role: to be a light unto the nations." In Accordance with Section 27A of the Copyright Law

It was initially reported that the MSC Talmon – a settlement and community in the northwest of Ramallah, along with the settlements of the Talmon Bloc – was suspected of overstepping his jurisdiction. This follows previous incidents where MSCs from the settlement repeatedly acted beyond their designated authority. According to reports, the MSC entered the heart of Ramallah in uniform, accompanied by another individual, entirely on his own initiative. They left their designated zone, moving first into Area B and then into Ramallah (Area A), without obtaining the necessary authorization or permission. While there, they engaged in a confrontation with Palestinian police officers and confiscated weapons.   An IDF spokesperson stated: "An initial investigation indicates that the MSC exceeded his authority. The incident will be thoroughly investigated, and appropriate measures will be taken. Until the investigation is concluded, the MSC has been suspended."   In response, the Talmon Secretariat issued a statement declaring: "The concept of defense limited to the settlement's fences collapsed in the Gaza envelope. Therefore, it is expected that the MSC will be permitted to operate with greater spatial flexibility."   This statement reflects a fundamental divergence in security policy. While the official stance of the security forces does not align with the actions taken by the MSC, his supporters advocate for a completely different approach – one that echoes a broader ideological push, striving to "the Gazanization of the West Bank."   The incident involving the MSC and his unauthorized entry into Ramallah is not an isolated case. There have been other documented occurrences of rapid-response squads exceeding their legal authority.   One such example is the incident that took place in the village of Jit on August 15, 2024. According to an IDF investigation, approximately 100 masked Israeli settlers entered the village, where they set fire to vehicles and buildings, while also throwing stones and Molotov cocktails.   The investigation revealed that, at the start of the disturbances, several members of a rapid-response squad from the nearby settlement of Havat Gilad arrived at the scene – without authorization. They were wearing uniforms, despite not being on reserve duty. "They acted beyond the defined scope of authority granted to rapid-response squad members," the investigation concluded. Following the inquiry, two members of the squad were dismissed, and their weapons were confiscated.   During the chaos, a 28-year-old resident of Jit was killed, while another was seriously injured. The IDF investigation determined that "the fatality resulted from gunfire by settlers."   The conduct of rapid-response squads and militia-style security forces in the West Bank directly contradicts the official policy of the security forces. In accordance to the formulation of administrative removal orders of Jews from the West Bank, their actions raises "increased concern that they will endanger the residents of the area." For elaboration:  See my origunal article here: "Military Security Coordinators (MSCs) in the West Bank." In Accordance with Section 27A of the Copyright Law

Former Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir recently stated: "I am proud of the reform I led – it saved many lives, despite the ire and anger of the skeptics!"   The Otzma Yehudit party has submitted a bill aimed at "honoring armed citizens who saved lives in a terrorist attack." The explanatory notes emphasize: "Time and again, we witness heroic citizens carrying privately licensed weapons, who strive to engage and neutralize terrorists within seconds, thereby saving many lives."   Ben-Gvir announced that, since the outbreak of the Iron Sword War, over 200,000 firearm licenses have been granted to civilians. This marks a doubling in the rate of armed citizens (from two to four percent of the total population).   Following a petition to the High Court of Justice, the Ministry of National Security reviewed 1,144 firearm licenses and found deficiencies in 195 cases. The most serious instances included 29 applicants who received licenses despite failing to meet basic criteria, including one individual with a psychiatric history. In response to these findings, Ben-Gvir remarked: "The media has spent over a year trying to prove that my reform is dangerous, illegal, crazy, and whatnot. And yet, it is now clear that out of the 200,000 licenses issued, less than one-tenth of a percent were problematic." (However, the ministry's own report only examined 0.6 percent of the total licenses, leaving questions about the validity and reliability of the sample.)   The gun reform, based on an expansive firearms licensing policy, presents long-term challenges. Once firearms are distributed to civilians, reclaiming them – even in cases of flawed, dangerous, or improper issuance – becomes exceedingly difficult.   During a December 2023 hearing of the Knesset's "State Audit Committee," Chairman MK Mickey Levy noted: "The committee has evidence that licenses were issued following 40-second interviews, raising concerns that these were granted illegally."   In July 2024, High Court judges reviewed a petition by the "Movement for Quality Government in Israel," and the "Labor Party" against Ben-Gvir, the Firearms Department, the Israel Police, and other entities. The petitioners sought to revoke thousands of firearm licenses issued without proper authority. During the hearing, the judges questioned why the state had not yet canceled these licenses. Judge Ofer Grosskopf asked: "12,000 firearm licenses were distributed by an unauthorized entity – should they remain in private hands while the investigation continues?" He added, "I don't understand. Are we leaving weapons with individuals without confirming their legitimacy?" Judge Yael Willner inquired: "What about public safety?" Ultimately, no firearms were revoked.   The risks of widespread civilian firearm possession were tragically highlighted in a March 2025 stabbing attack at the Haifa Ban Central Bus Station. The incident resulted in four injuries and one fatality. Security guards and a civilian shot the terrorist, but one of the wounded was accidentally hit by the gunfire.   This incident contrasts with the April 7, 2022, terrorist attack on Dizengoff Street in Tel Aviv, where a Palestinian gunman murdered three civilians and wounded six others. He was only neutralized the following day.   The investigation revealed that hundreds of armed police officers, soldiers, and Shin Bet agents searched for the terrorist. Dozens of armed civilians, including off-duty soldiers, had joined them, without official direction. (A religious right-wing newspaper even praised a citizen who stated: "I found a knife and joined the armed men.") Authorities concluded that this uncoordinated response posed risks to innocent bystanders. In response, the IDF Chief of the General Staff stated: "Civilians cannot roam among security forces with firearms, independently chasing terrorists. This creates the potential for crossfire incidents."   A similarly chaotic scenario unfolded at the Be'er Sheva Central Bus Station on October 18, 2015. A terrorist armed with a gun and knife killed an IDF soldier, seized his weapon, and opened fire before being shot dead. Ten people were injured in the attack. Amid the chaotic response, an Eritrean asylum seeker was mistakenly shot and later brutally lynched by bystanders.   The concept of "striving engagement" – a core principle of IDF combat doctrine – is not necessarily appropriate in civilian settings, particularly when exercised without proper oversight and responsibility. This applies not only to civilians but also to political and bureaucratic authorities.   The legal advisor to the Ministry of National Security informed the "State Audit Committee" that the Firearms Licensing Department acted hastily, stating: "The department moved forward 'under fire,' with legal oversight introduced only after the fact."   Representatives of civil society organizations who participated in the committee's deliberations noted that the Ministry of National Security actively encourages Israeli citizens to arm themselves and is working diligently to implement this policy. However, insufficient consideration appears to have been given to the potential negative consequences of flooding public spaces with firearms and how these new regulations will impact society. This expansive policy disrupts the balance – both in terms of private and family security, and concerning issues such as suicide and domestic violence – between increasing security in public spaces and protecting public peace. Heightened tensions and public suspicion, fueled by radical and extremist elements, may lead to unjustified firearm use – against Jews and especially against Arab citizens of the country.   The policy shift has also impacted on crime levels. Without adequate oversight, there is a growing risk of state-licensed firearms being misused, stolen, or involved in accidents. Beyond concerns related to the privatization of national security and its effect on state governance, the encouragement of armed civilian intervention in security incidents could inadvertently lead to the increased use of firearms in criminal rather than security-related incidents.   Many civilians who use firearms in such situations lack proper training in rules of engagement. Without sufficient knowledge and experience, they risk causing friendly fire incidents or harming uninvolved individuals. Uncoordinated civilian firearm use can cause chaos at the scene, unlawfully endangering lives.   Civilians carrying weapons should refrain from using them when security forces are present. This also applies to IDF soldiers on leave, who are required to follow the instructions of police forces responsible for maintaining internal security.   The current firearm licensing policy, intended to enhance personal security, is not proportionate to the potential risks it introduces. The uncontrolled, unskilled, and sometimes irresponsible use of firearms may ultimately cause more harm than good. Open Code

In recent weeks, there has been a growing buildup of The Nachala Settlement Movement in preparation for a "mass rally" in Paris Square, Jerusalem. The slogan: "Fight, evict, settle." Regarding Hamas terrorists, the movement declared that "these human animals have no right to exist!" The conclusion: "There is only one solution: complete occupation of the territory, expulsion and elimination of all the enemy, and the establishment of thriving Jewish settlements." Fifty buses from across the country were provided for "transportation to the mass rally."   Prior to the rally, Minister of Communications Shlomo Kerhi extended his support, while The Minister of Finance, Bezalel Smotrich, backed the movement's message. Otzma Yehudit Party Chairman Itamar Ben-Gvir stated: "Public support for Israel is growing day by day, and to this is added the support of the President of the United States, who called for 'destroying the cruel enemy and encouraging immigration.' Now, our test – to finally defeat Hamas, without stopping, without hesitation, without aiding the enemy – until complete victory." He repeated the rallying cry: "This time decisive."   A series of prominent rabbis called on "the people of Israel" to attend the rally. Among them were Rabbi Dov Lior, rabbi of the Otzma Yehudit party; Rabbi David Pendel, head of the Hesder Yeshiva Afikei Daat in Sderot; Rabbi Eliyahu Rahamim Zini, head of the Or Yishua Yeshiva in Haifa; Rabbi Elyakim Levanon, rabbi of Samaria and president of the Elon Moreh Yeshiva; Rabbi David-Dudi Dudkevich, rabbi of Yitzhar settlement and head of the Roeh Yisrael Yeshiva; Rabbi David Chai Hacohen, Head of Orot Hatorah institution and head of Netivot Hatora Yeshiva, in Bat Yam; Rabbi Avraham Yaakov Schreiber, rabbi of Kfar Darom; Rabbi Uri Gantz, head of the Kedumim Yeshiva; Rabbi Elishama Cohen, head of the Homesh Yeshiva; Rabbi Noam Waldman, head of the Nir Kiryat Arba Yeshiva; and Rabbi Avraham Yitzhak Schwartz, rabbi of Kiryat Arba (Hebron).   The moderator opened the conference by saying, "Good evening to the large audience that has come from all over the country." This seemed to be more of a hopeful declaration than a factual statement. Rabbi Oury Cherki, recognizing this disparity, nonetheless harshened the paradox by remarking that: "We are here seemingly few, but we represent the true mindset of the people. We represent the beating heart of the entire Jewish people."   Daniella Weiss, founder and leader of The Nachala Settlement Movement, frequently compared to "The Prophetess Deborah," continues – even after eight decades – to raise her voice with unwavering conviction. Following the traditional practice in rabbinic literature, I was called upon to examine the gravity of the situation, much like the revered rabbi who once responded to the cries of a woman in distress, and examined the outcry. Photography: Idan Yaron It seems that the present reality does not align with Weiss's expectations. The Canadian Foreign Ministry imposed sanctions on her in June 2024 for her involvement in illegal settlements in the West Bank. On stage, Weiss passionately addressed her supporters: "We must destroy the Gazans, to the last one." She insisted that not even a morsel of food should be given to the enemy. Furthermore, she proclaimed, "The people of Israel must accept the necessity of returning to war." Directing her words at The Minister of Defense, Israel Katz, who had already established an administration for the voluntary emigration of residents, she implored him: "You have a transfer plan – execute it!" She assured her audience that "most of the people of Israel want settlement in the Gaza Strip," and declared: "We will settle Gaza, Judea, and Samaria – the entire territory of the Land of Israel."   Zvi Elimelech Sharbaf, CEO of The Nachala Settlement Movement, son of Rabbi Uzi Sharbaf (a life prisoner, member of the Jewish underground, an extreme right-wing fundamentalist terrorist group that existed in the years 1979-1984, and grandson of Rabbi Moshe Levinger), offered his vision in a striking manner: "We will win through the power of the cub of the lion of Judah, which has awakened in the past year." Good morning Lion. Photography: Idan Yaron Yossi Dagan, head of the Samaria Regional Council and a close associate of The Nachala Settlement Movement's leaders (who co-chaired with them the controversial "Transfer" conference in late January 2024 at Binyanei HaUma , International Conventions Center, that was held under the theme "Returning to Gaza – Only Settlement Will Bring Security," and drew over five thousand participants, including twelve ministers and fifteen KM), declared at the rally: "We must strike the Nazi enemy until we win." (The term "Nazism" has made a comeback in right-wing rhetoric, albeit in a new context). He elaborated, stating that "in Middle Eastern terms, victory means taking enemy lands – which are, in fact, our lands – and settling on them." He assured the audience: "With God's help, we will settle all of northern Samaria, just as we will in the Gaza Strip." The audience responded with a resounding "Amen."   Rabbi David Pendel, who had previously stated that "complete victory is within our grasp, if only we believe in it," encapsulated the messianic fervor of the moment. He mused, "Who would have believed that ministers and mayors would now advocate ‘transfer’? Who would have imagined that the President of the United States would outpace us on the right?" Expressing his dismay, he lamented: "Woe to us that it is he who must teach us to finish the job, he who must tell us that settlement in Gaza is essential, he who insists that drastic changes are necessary – that Israel is too small a country." His conclusion was resolute: "We need to send a clear message to the Israeli government, as well as to the President of the United States, that we want settlement in Gaza." He concluded with a sigh: "This is the most right-wing, the most correct, the most Zionist, the most religious thing." He also remarked that "there are many people on the left who say: 'You are in power, do what you understand,'" and posed the question: "What are you waiting for?" Photography: Idan Yaron Among the hundreds of attendees – young and old – gathered in a closed area near the "Heichal Shlomo" building, which once housed the Chief Rabbinate but has since lost its central role in this context, the message was unequivocal. Rabbi Pendel lamented that the Prime Minister of Israel, instead of fulfilling these critical tasks, is facing a trial – noting that a king is not put on trial [perhaps, this is what President Trump meant when he referred to himself as "His Majesty, the King"]. Instead of engaging in these legal proceedings, the Prime Minister should be focused on essential national priorities, such as visiting the tomb of Rav Ashi, a revered Amora whose burial place is situated on Mount Shanan in Lebanon was recently renovated in secret by the Breslov Hasidim.   Rabbi Oury Cherki – who serves as the rabbi of the "Bayt Yehudi" community in Kiryat Moshe, Jerusalem, chairman of "Noahide World Center," and a rabbi at the Meir Institute – quoted the words of the Israeli prime minister, explaining that it is a battle of good against evil. He spoke about the concept of "image" [the image of God], and explained why "Gaza society has lost its right to exist as a nation." Since they represent evil – the axis of evil – Cherki asserted, "our moral duty… is to destroy them completely." At the end of his speech, he reminded his audience, "We are the ones leading the world to a better state." He insisted, "If we do what is required in Gaza, and with the help of God we do it, we will set an example for all the world's inhabitants." Photography: Idan Yaron Rabbi Noam Waldman – head of the Nir Yeshiva in Ir HaAvot  (Hebron), which follows the teachings of Abraham Isaac Kook and his son Zvi Yehuda Kook, and emphasizes the role of Torah study, dedication to the Jewish people, and the process of redemption – ruled that "the Gentiles should be bequeathed [Rashi – to expel], and Jewish settlement in the Gaza Strip should be reestablished." Photography: Idan Yaron As the event progressed with the speeches of The Nachala Settlement Movement's leaders and the esteemed rabbis, political figures also took center stage, braving the stormy Jerusalem evening as the "Coral" storm swept in from the North Pole.   Former Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir electrified the crowd with chants of "Ma-vet la... Me-chab-lim" (death to the terrorists). Expressing his growing affinity for Prime Minister "Bibi," he confessed, "I love him personally." He recalled being "the only one in the [expanded, not the limited] cabinet who opposed the introduction of food trucks to Hamas." Questioning ongoing policies, he remarked, "They told me then, ‘But Biden…' Today there is no Biden – why are there still trucks?" Addressing the enthusiastic audience, he declared, "Today we all know that we were right when we talked about 'encouraging immigration.' Today the president of the greatest power says 'transfer.' We have all the legitimacy in the world to do this." He led the crowd in a passionate chant: "Immigration now! - All together: Immigration now!" Ben-Gvir also launched an attack on the Legal Advisor to the Government, accusing her of "stitching up cases for all of us." Highlighting his achievements, he boasted, "I appointed a new police commissioner, a prison commissioner, and 18 new superintendents." He proudly cited that "in the past year, 200,000 applications for firearms licenses were submitted," and that he had established "a thousand emergency squads throughout the country." Photography: Idan Yaron Limor Son Har-Melech, a member of Ben-Gvir's faction, also spoke at the rally. She declared, "The time has come to win, but really." At the foot of the stage, she shared a private conversation with Eliyahu Yosian, who was introduced as "a veteran of Unit 8200 [an intelligence Corps of the IDF for clandestine operation, collecting SIGINT and code decryption], winner of the Israel Defense Prize, and a leading advocate for settlement in the Gaza Strip."   Photography: Idan Yaron Rabbi David Pendel reflected on the significance of the moment: "Who would have believed that we would reach a situation where the Minister of Education, the Minister of Finance, and other ministers would come to a demonstration in favor of transfer and settlement in Gaza? It sounds crazy, it sounds extreme. Who would have believed that ministers in the Israeli government would stand behind Daniella Weiss, who paved the way for settlement in Samaria and now in Gaza?"   Indeed, representatives of the ruling parties, led by Likud, were present and did not hesitate to align themselves with the positions of Otzma Yehudit, exhibiting at least the same fervor and determination.   Minister of Environmental Protection Idit Silman shared "confidential" information with the audience, declaring, "The prime minister is advancing a historic process, together with President Trump, to ensure voluntary immigration." She insisted that "the only solution is to empty Gaza of daredevils." With growing enthusiasm, she vowed: "Gush Katif will return – whether in single-family homes or in towers, inspired by President Trump’s vision." She went so far as to claim that "Trump was sent by the Holy One, blessed be He, to help the people of Israel fulfill their desires."   MK Ariel Kellner (Likud), spoke fervently of "the insatiable lust for murder and hatred of our enemies." He denounced them as "Nazi barbaric animals" and demanded that the Gazans be denied "electricity, water, fuel, and humanitarian aid." He issued a chilling warning: "You will look from afar on the land that was once yours, and we will build a prosperous settlement there." Photography: Idan Yaron Deputy Speaker of the Knesset, MK Nissim Vaturi (Likud), who holds a Ph.D. from the International University of Business and Law in Kherson, Ukraine (an institution unrecognized in Israel), took the stage with impassioned rhetoric. Vaturi, whose family is among the 800 families designated for Gush Katif settlement, made waves in November 2023 when he called for "Burn Gaza, no less!" His statement was later cited in South Africa's genocide complaint against Israel at the International Court of Justice. Undeterred, Vaturi doubled down: "We are blessed to be sued in The Hague." Offering a stark alternative, he proclaimed, "We need to separate the children and women and kill the adults in Gaza." He proudly recounted his recent mission to Italy, where he spread the message of "extermination and transfer – first in Gaza, and then, God willing, in Judea and Samaria." He concluded with a dramatic flourish: "Expel all the Arabs from here. Expel from Judea and Samaria and the Gaza Strip. Do not be afraid, for the Holy One, blessed be He, is with us." The crowd erupted in cheers and whistles. Photography: Idan Yaron Hagai Segal, "the most senior media figure identified with the far right and the settlers in Judea and Samaria," put it well when he recently told a Haaretz  reporter: "I think Itamar Ben-Gvir's appointment as Minister of National Security was a disaster, and there is great relief that he is no longer there. When I hear Shlomo Kerhi or Nissim Vaturi, it breaks my heart, and I am not exaggerating." The organizers were quick to blame the cold weather, as a cause to the depleted turnout. They claimed that many of the buses (supposedly, "more than 20") got "stuck on the way." Unclaimed stacks of posters, leaflets, and stickers remained scattered along the roadsides and on the counters. Photography: Idan Yaron A leaflet titled "Our Gaza Forever!" outlined the movement's ideological stance: "Humanitarian practice in the world dictates that during a war, those who are not involved should be absorbed in other countries." It emphasized that "if there are any 'uninvolved' in Gaza, they must be dispersed among the nations." Citing Rabbi Kahane infamous words "It is either us or them!" – the leaflet's writers argued that Israel's actions were of the highest moral order: "A nation unwilling to absorb refugees has no moral right to oppose Israel's steps in this matter." Another leaflet, titled "This Time We Must Decide! – The People of Israel Are Returning Home," echoed the same demands: "An immediate halt to humanitarian aid to Gaza" and "the deportation of all Gaza Arabs." It concluded with an impassioned plea: "Gaza is our ancestral heritage! How long must my children wait to return to their loving mother?"   Towards the end of the evening, the moderator explained, "We are here to establish facts and decide the struggle." The Nachala Settlement Movement is primarily focused on the establishment of the "Eviatar" outpost, which it recently secured, as well as the settlement of a nucleus of settlers in "Ramat Arbel" in the Lower Galilee. A representative from Ramat Arbel spoke briefly at the end of the rally. At the last moment, a bus from remote areas also arrived, and its representative delivered a few words.   Today, Ramat Arbel consists of approximately ten buildings made of light construction and wood, with three families currently residing there. The outpost was built on agricultural land with the goal of "Judaizing the Galilee." The families who have settled on the land refuse to evacuate and are supported by coalition members and the Israel Police. Photography: Idan Yaron The next day, the WhatsApp group of The Nachala Settlement Movement declared: "Yesterday we took a significant step, and we have reached a new level. The people of Israel are awakening in greatness for the renewal of fighting and the defeat of Hamas, and for the renewal of settlement in the Gaza Strip and throughout the Land of Israel." Is that true?   Amid the roaring chants and the ideological fervor, the vision of a new era emerged – one in which, as supporters of the movement hope, "the army wear uniforms, goes to war" – conquer, expel, and settle." Despite long-standing plans and persistent efforts, the final word on The Nachala Settlement Movement's future remains uncertain. While Daniella Weiss's "bag is already ready," she remains, above all, a "windy" phenomenon. And as the saying goes: "Like clouds and wind without rain is one who boasts of gifts never given."

The organization Honenu – Israel Zionist Legal Aid organization issued a statement condemning what it described as "six months of harm to the honor of the IDF." According to the authors, "instead of standing by the soldiers, the Military Prosecution has become a tool for attacking fighters who acted for the security of the state."   It turns out that the state has requested a fourth extension to file a defense in response to a lawsuit filed by fighters imprisoned by Force 100 – a unit established after the October 7 massacre to guard thousands of terrorists, including hundreds of Nukhba terrorists (the elite unit of the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas) captured by the IDF in the Gaza Strip – regarding the Sde Teiman Affair.   The investigation, however long it takes, is essential and necessary – preferably sooner rather than later – so that the IDF can be cleansed of any stain of immoral, inhumane, and illegal behavior that has clung to it.   The norms that bind every soldier and commander in the Spirit of the IDF should not be derived from the barbaric behavior of our enemies (or, for that matter, from "Torah law").   The claim by the Honenu organization that the military justice system "learned nothing from the horrifying massacre we experienced and prefers a harsh hand against soldiers rather than dealing with murderers who committed atrocities," is not relevant.   "Public support for the fighters" needs not and cannot be unconditional. Anyone who deviates from the Spirit of the IDF, the orders of the army and its commanders, must be held accountable. Permission: Activestills.org

Adjacent photograph: Placard inscription – "Repent, and an army will not be needed" (Photography: Idan Yaron). The failure of the new "Haredi brigade" lies not in its recruitment process (which has seen moderate success) but in the very rationale for its establishment. Similar to other so-called "Haredi" units, such as the "Nahal Haredi Netzah Yehuda Battalion," the recruits are not genuinely "Haredi" in the full sense of the term and certainly not "yeshiva boys." Instead, they are, as the IDF describes, "working yeshiva students and youth dropouts".   The Netzah Yehuda Battalion was established in the late 1990s, and even then, the recruitment of true "Haredim" was not genuinely successful. To meet recruitment goals, the IDF incorporated numerous non-Orthodox soldiers into the battalion. Over time, the battalion evolved into a haven for radical, extremist right-wing activists, particularly young settlers from the West Bank and hilltop youth who were often not accepted into service in other units. These individuals did not join to integrate into the IDF’s "melting pot" or adopt its values. Instead, they sought to impose their own ideologies through their activities in the field. This was evident in recent incidents involving religious-nationalist soldiers during the Swords of Iron War in the Gaza Strip.   The outcome has been problematic: the battalion's political-ideological composition, its cultural environment, and lax oversight by its command structure have led to numerous cases of documented abuse against Palestinians. These issues escalated to the extent that the Biden administration considered, for the first time in U.S. history, imposing sanctions on an IDF unit over "human rights violations in the West Bank".   The establishment of units with a homogeneous and radical political-ideological foundation must be rejected outright. Recruitment and service in the People's Army should never be based on such divisive criteria. Courtesy of IDF Spokesperson