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"I believe that the possession and carrying of weapons by individuals is illogical in an orderly society with formal law enforcement and state security agencies." (Prof. George Lundskow, American Sociologist) "An expansive policy of firearms licensing is not just a problem for law enforcement and security agencies. It poses a challenge to the very possibility of maintaining an open democratic society." (Jonathan M. Metzl, American Sociologist and Psychiatrist) "The American gun culture is preparing us for authoritarianism and the decline of democracy." (Prof. Ruth Ben-Ghiat, American Historian) Guns as a Value The Second Amendment to the U.S. Constitution states that "the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed." This fundamental right, deeply rooted in America's colonial past, has become ingrained in the nation's identity. By most estimates, there are more guns in the United States than people.   Israel:  The Palmach – the elite combined strike forces of the Haganah , the underground army of the Yeshuv  (Jewish community) during the period of the British Mandate for Palestine – anthem contains the line: "All the young and best – to the weapon." According to the Academy of the Hebrew Language, the phrase "all the young and best" originates from the biblical description of Saul in the Book of Samuel: "And he [Lakish] had a son, whose name was Saul, a choice young man; and a goodly" (1 Samuel 9:2). The word "weapon" ( Neshek ) is ancient, dating back to biblical times.   Weapons, Society and Politics A Pew Research Center survey, conducted June 2023 (for  The New York Times ) presented the following findings:   Reasons for owning a gun:  For most U.S. gun owners, protection is the main reason they own a gun.   General Owning of guns:  In general, roughly a third (32%) say they own a gun; another 10% say that while they do not personally own a gun, someone else in their household does.   Rural – Urban:  Gun ownership is far more common among residents of rural areas (47%) [in our case, the West Bank] than among people living in suburbs (30%) or urban areas (20%).   Men – Woman:  40% men say they own a gun, compared with about 25% of women.   White – Black and other:  Whites are far more likely than Black, Hispanic or Asian adults to say they personally own a gun.   Parisan division:  Republicans, particularly conservative Republicans, are far more likely than Democrats to say they own a gun: About half of conservative Republicans (51%) say they own a gun. That compares with 38% of moderate and liberal Republicans, 24% of conservative and moderate Democrats, and 16% of liberal Democrats.   The link between firearms and the far right – particularly the radical-religious and extremist right – is evident in both the United States and Israel. Guns have become a central issue in discussions concerning far-right movements.   Prof. Jonathan Metzl, a sociologist and psychiatrist specializing in gun policy in the United States, focuses primarily on the risks posed by civilian gun ownership and the various ways legally owned weapons contribute to violence. However, he also highlights an equally significant danger – the impact on democracy and the integrity of the state itself: "Americans have not understood that the spread of guns among the population is a risk not only to human health but also to democracy itself. Guns are presented as a means of self-defense, but in practice, they reinforce and even promote the agenda of right-wing parties. Guns are a tool of the right, and its supporters are the ones who arm themselves."   In recent years, the debate over the Second Amendment has intensified in the United States. Gun rights and gun control have become polarizing issues.   The deterrence approach , which is fundamentally conservative, advocates for the enforcement of existing gun laws while imposing severe penalties for the illegal use of firearms. This ideology is based on the belief that increasing gun ownership among citizens serves as a deterrent, ultimately reducing criminal firearm use.   Conversely, the interdiction approach , which is fundamentally liberal, supports restricting access to firearms as the most effective means of controlling gun use. Proponents argue that tighter regulations help prevent gun violence and reduce mass shootings.   The growing polarization between conservatives (right) and liberals (left) in the United States has become particularly evident in debates over the civilian ownership of assault rifles – semi-automatic weapons with military-style features, such as the AR-15, a civilian version of the M-16 assault rifle. In recent years, the ideological divide over this issue has widened considerably. Assault rifles have become a symbol of the far right's opposition to social progress and its resistance to policies that promote equality in the United States.   The staunchest defenders of the right to bear arms are conservatives, who tend to support rigid social hierarchies reinforced by religious-nationalist beliefs. In the United States, this often translates into notions of white superiority over Black Americans, while in Israel, it manifests as Jewish superiority over Arabs.   In general, conservatives (Republicans) are twice as likely to own firearms as liberals (Democrats). Additionally, gun owners in the United States are disproportionately white conservative, married and residents of rural or semi-urban areas relative to their share of the population.   Israel:  A survey conducted by The Viterbi Family Center for Public Opinion and Policy Research (directed by Prof. Tamar Herman) at the Israel Democracy Institute in late March 2024 found that Jewish respondents, when segmented by political affiliation, expressed differing views on Minister Ben-Gvir's expansive gun-carrying policy. Among right-wing respondents, 64.5 percent reported that the new policy improved their sense of security, whereas significantly fewer respondents from the center (31.5 percent ) and the left (17.5 percent) shared that sentiment.   Guns and Religion Recent research has demonstrated a strong correlation between religious affiliation and gun ownership, similar to political alignment. For instance, in the United States, evangelical Protestants own firearms at a significantly higher rate than the general population.   Weapons and Government Policy Since the end of the Cold War – and despite the storming of the U.S. Capitol in January 2021 – democratic nations have faced less of a threat from armed groups attempting to overthrow governments by force. Instead, a more pressing danger has emerged: democratically elected leaders gradually dismantling democratic institutions from within. By leveraging legal mechanisms to concentrate power, these governments systematically erode democratic checks and balances.   This situation is further exacerbated when far-right social movements – whether overt or concealed – operate as semi-parliamentary factions. These movements, through the legitimization of dominant political parties, work strategically to secure positions of governmental authority.   Israel: A n extremist movement, such as the Kahanist faction, has successfully gained control over national resources, including the critical domain of sovereignty – the regulation of firearms, which traditionally falls under the exclusive jurisdiction of the state.   Firearms Licensing Policy The debate over firearm licensing policy is marked by an ongoing tension between proponents of an "expansive" approach and advocates of a "restrictive" approach.   Those favoring an expansive policy  – typically from conservative circles – argue that firearm ownership enhances personal security, particularly for individuals at risk. Conversely, those advocating for a restrictive approach  – typically from liberal curcles – highlight the risks firearms pose to both individuals and public safety.   Implications Research from the past decade consistently shows that as the number of privately owned firearms increases, so does the rate of firearm-related deaths. Studies indicate a direct correlation between firearm accessibility and instances of homicide and suicide, with particularly alarming trends in cases of domestic violence and femicide.   These findings were presented in a position paper submitted by The Israeli Professor's Forum for Democracy to the National Security Committee. For example, a study spanning 106 countries found that firearm-related deaths – whether by homicide or suicide – occur at a rate of 10.6 per 100,000 residents in the United States, where firearm sales are largely unrestricted. In contrast, firearm-related death rates in various European nations are significantly lower: 2.7 per 100,000 in France, 2.1 in Canada, 0.9 in Germany, and 0.6 in Spain. The data underscores that the United States experiences higher firearm-related fatalities than any other developed nation.   Anyway, From the far right's standpoint, gun rights have taken precedence over concerns about public safety. (In Israel, the implications extend beyond the Jewish community, especially affecting Arab citizens). While most Americans (61%) say it is too easy to legally obtain a gun in the U.S., while 30% say the ease of legally obtaining a gun is about right; 9% say it is too hard – an overwhelming share of Democrats (86%) say it is too easy to obtain a gun legally, while about a third of Republicans (34%) say the same. Permisson: Activestils.org ( The firearms licensing policy in Israel until the events surrounding Operation Guardian of the Walls, May 2021, will be surveyed in the following Part).

The Israeli government, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, has warned Hamas that if it does not comply with its demands, the "Generals' Plan" will be evoked.   Under this plan, the IDF intends to demolish the remaining standing structures across most of the Gaza Strip, except of designated shelter areas in the south. Additionally, food distribution will be restricted to these designated areas.   I have previously discussed the severity of this plan with the assistance of Brigadier General (Res.) Zvi Poleg. It's national and international significance is far-reaching. Nikiforovich Dmitry Martynov, "The Shade of Samuel Invoked by Saul," 1857 (public domain)

The "Fighting for Life" group – which serves as "a headquarters providing security, intelligence, logistical, and awareness support to the residents of the West Bank with the aim of preventing the next massacre, and of drawing lessons from the massacre in the south to enhance the security of residents on farms, in the hills, in towns, and in cities" – brought forth the words of Defense Minister Israel Katz, as published by Amit Segal: "40,000 Palestinians have so far evacuated [transferred] from the Jenin, Tulkarm and Nur Shams refugee camps, and they are currently empty of residents. UNRWA activities in the camps have also been suspended. I have instructed the IDF to prepare for an extended stay in the camps that have been cleared for the coming year, and not to allow residents to return and terrorism to grow again."   The group's managers commented on the matter in an enlightening manner: "The mind is starting to change – well done... That's the only way to win! They have no future in 'Palestine.'" Permission: Activestlls.org

In this article, I will present for the first time a comprehensive account of the town of Huwara and the clashes that have taken place between its residents and settler –particularly the Hilltop Youth. The focus of this discussion will be the riots that occurred in the town on February 26, 2023. Such a reference is especially essential following the filing of a lawsuit by the town's residents following the riots, in late February 2025 (see details below).   The Town Huwara is a Palestinian town in the Nablus Governorate, located 7.3 km south of the city of Nablus. The town's population is approximately 7,000, all of whom are Muslims. Huwara's main street runs along Highway 60, a national highway in the West Bank that stretches from Beersheba to Nazareth.   From the main street, the town expands in both directions. To the north, a road branches westward, bypassing Nablus, while another leads eastward toward the settlements of Itamar and Elon Moreh. The settlement of Yitzhar is situated on a hill to the west of the town, and Har Brakha is located to the north, on Mount Gerizim. Huwara is separated from Nablus by the Huwara checkpoint. Nearby, there are stone quarries used for construction, which provide employment for many of the town's residents.   History of Conflicts Settlers living on the mountain slopes near Huwara have long reported feeling vulnerable while traveling to and from work, fearing attacks at any moment.   Over the years, there have been numerous incidents involving residents of Huwara and nearby villages throwing stones at Israeli vehicles and IDF forces traveling on Route 60, which runs through the town. Conversely, Huwara has also been a frequent target of "price tag" operations carried out by settlers. This article will primarily focus on events that took place from early 2022 onward.   On January 24, 2022, Avraham Yair Yared was released from prison. Avraham is the younger brother of Elisha Yared, a known leader of the Hilltop Youth and a resident of Ramat Migron. Avraham was convicted of throwing a stun grenade at a house in the Palestinian village of Sarta in Samaria. His conviction stated that he sought to "harm Palestinians wherever they are." Along with seven others, he threw stun grenades and stones at the homes of four Palestinian families. Avraham pleaded guilty to these charges and was convicted of aggravated injury due to a racial motive, possession of a knife, and intentional damage to a vehicle. He was sentenced to 20 months in prison but was released after serving a year.   To celebrate his release, Avraham's friends organized a convoy of about 30 vehicles, which departed from the Tapuach Junction and passed through Huwara. Videos circulated from the event show young men standing up through car sunroofs, honking horns, and driving in circles around the central square at the town's entrance. They continued into the town, singing and dancing. At one point, several vehicles stopped, and their passengers emerged holding clubs, stones, and other objects. They proceeded to cause significant damage to businesses, vehicles, and property. A Palestinian resident was injured in the altercation and taken to the hospital.   Military forces arrived to "break up" the confrontation, leading to several arrests by the police.   Following the incident, Defense Minister Benjamin ("Benny") Gantz stated: "The recent incidents of nationalist crime in the West Bank are serious, and I intend to take strong action against them. Anyone who throws stones, sets vehicles on fire, or uses cold or hot weapons is a terrorist, and we will treat them as such." Deputy Defense Minister Alon Schuster announced that he would ensure maximum coordination between security and law enforcement agencies to combat nationalist crime that threatens the security of the West Bank.   On February 21, 2022, the Jerusalem Magistrate's Court ordered the release of all detainees from the convoy under restrictive conditions, except for one minor against whom a prosecutor's statement was filed. The following day, the minor was also released by the court.   By the end of March 2022, the organization "We Are All with the Detainees of Zion" had issued several statements regarding the situation: "Today, about 20 Jews are in prison for not remaining silent after terrorist attacks. They took the law into their own hands, acted, and were caught. They are paying the price for all of us. We do not forget them or the freedom they lost." Another statement read, "After the recent attacks, the government continues to persecute Jews with all its might. Yesterday, three Jews were arrested in Samaria on suspicion of 'conspiring to harm the enemy.'" Additionally, they highlighted the case of Avraham Yared: "Yared – who was arrested a few weeks ago during a protest in response to the wave of attacks, suspected of planning a reprisal against Arabs, and later released due to lack of evidence – has now been placed under administrative detention for three months."   During a visit to the family of a young Palestinian injured in the incident, as part of a " Tag Meir  – united Against Racism" delegation, we met with his father, mother, and the injured young man himself. The victim, 17-year-old Montasar Abdul Fattah Dumaidi, had been sitting at his family's kiosk along Route 60, near the entrance to Huwara.   According to the family and eyewitnesses, settlers exited their vehicles, threw stones at the kiosk, and sprayed Montasar with tear gas. As he attempted to flee, they beat him on the hands, back, and legs until he collapsed on the road in front of his family's yard. Soldiers present at the scene did not intervene in the settlers' actions, nor did they allow family members and neighbors to assist the injured boy. However, local residents claimed that the soldiers also prevented settlers from entering other private properties. An ambulance eventually arrived and transported Montasar to the hospital, where he remained under observation for one day. Montasar Abdul Fatah Dumaidi (17), who was injured by settlers in the town of Huwara (Photography: Idan Yaron, 2.2.2022) In May 2022, tensions rose in the town. The clashes, which began with the removal of Palestinian flags along the section of Highway 60 that passes through it, escalated into violence and stone-throwing. The events began when Palestinians hung a Palestinian flag on a tall pole in the middle of the road in the center of the town. Then came Zvi Sukkot, a resident of Yitzhar, later a member of Knesset from the Religious Zionist Party and National Religious Party – Religious Zionism, who decided to take it down and raise the Israeli flag in its place. The video filmed at the scene gained momentum and resonated on social media, both on the Israeli and Palestinian sides.   In the days after the flag was removed, residents of the town began hanging flags along the highway – which led the IDF to intervene. Soldiers were dispatched to the scene and tasked with taking down the flags. It didn't take long for the transition from flag battles to actual violence – from stone-throwing that caused injuries, to causing property damage. In one case, the son of MK Orit Strook of the National Religious Party – Religious Zionism reported that Palestinians threw stones at her son's vehicle in the town of Huwara, causing him to lose control and get into an accident with his children, ages two and four. The Red Crescent treated him before he was evacuated in mild-moderate condition to Sheba Hospital in Tel Hashomer. "They tried to murder my son and grandchildren," MK Strook said.   In response, young Jewish men were filmed entering a cafe on the main road in the town of Huwara, armed with clubs and masks. They broke hookahs and tables at the entrance.   Following the series of violent events, the IDF took control of the village and concentrated its forces there. The tangible result was that dozens of soldiers and Border Police fighters were deployed along the route. The army created earthen embankments in the village alleys leading to the main route to make it more difficult to throw stones and took over buildings from which stones were thrown.   The Jewish residents on the mountain ridge decided, for their part, to establish a "national honor guard." They announced their intention to come to the town with Israeli flags every time stones were thrown at them. An activist resident of Yitzhar who founded the association claimed that the IDF was not taking the necessary actions, as he put it, for political reasons. "The IDF has the tools to deal with this. Its hands are tied. It is impossible for stones to be thrown here, and no one will respond. We cannot allow this to continue like this."   In late June 2022, the Office of the State Attorney filed an indictment against two young men who took part in vandalizing the cafe on the main thoroughfare.   In late June 2022, youths from Samaria distributed posters against the Commander of the Central Command, Major General Yehuda Fox, which read: "Strong on Jews in Homesh [an outpost in Shomron Regional Council] – weak in Huwara"; this, they claimed, was due to the IDF's weakness in the face of Palestinian stone-throwing incidents in the town. The then Minister of Public Security, Omar Bar-Lev, condemned the statements against Fox: "Shame and disgrace. An extremist and unbridled handful of ungrateful people chooses to attack an IDF commander in this way, who leads his soldiers – along with the Israel Police and the Shin Bet – on very complex missions in a determined and stubborn struggle against Palestinian terrorism. Major General Yehuda Fox dedicates his life to protecting the security of the State of Israel, and he deserves recognition for that."   In September 2022, the Samaria Regional Brigade reported an attack by a passing vehicle on an Israeli vehicle, in an area of ​​the town of Huwara. The driver was slightly injured by the vehicle's window shattering.   In December 2022, a Border Police soldier was slightly injured in a stabbing in the town. The terrorist, who was armed with a knife, first tried to break into an Israeli car in which an IDF officer was traveling, was shot by him, but managed to recover and stabbed the soldier near the eye. A Border Police officer who was with the soldier confronted the terrorist, who was seen trying to snatch his weapon, and later shot the terrorist with a gun. The terrorist was evacuated from the scene in serious condition and later died of his wounds.   Events in the Town of Huwara – February 26, 2023 The evening of the incident: A Palestinian terrorist shot and killed two brothers – Sergeant Hillel (22) and Yagel Yaniv (20) – residents of the religious community of Har Brakha, on the Mount Gerizim ridge south of Nablus. The brothers attended Hesder yeshivot in Kiryat Shmona and Giv'at Olga, and were murdered on their way back from home to their yeshivot. When they arrived at Einabus Square in the town of Huwara, Palestinian terrorist Abd al-Fatah Kharusha, a Hamas member from the Askar refugee camp near Nablus, fired many bullets at them from close range through the window of their vehicle with his 9 mm pistol. They were evacuated to Beilinson Hospital, where they were later pronounced dead.   Minister of Finance and member of the political-security cabinet, Bezalel Smotrich, reacted to the attack with a strong statement: "Many thousands of Jews pass through there every day. Every Jew is a target for those bloodthirsty terrorists... Calm will only be achieved when the IDF strikes the cities of terror and its perpetrators mercilessly, using tanks and helicopters, in a way that sends a clear message – that the owner of the house has gone mad and will crush their will to harm us."   Deputy Regional Council of Samaria, Davidi Ben-Zion, immediately launched a scathing attack against the government. In a Facebook post, he expressed frustration: "The miracle that happened two days ago did not happen today. At the same location where a girl was injured by a stone, two innocent Samaria residents were murdered just an hour ago." He later escalated his rhetoric, declaring: "The town of Huwara must be wiped out. This place is a nest of terror, and the punishment should be collective. Enough with the empty talk about building and strengthening the settlement."   The Events Unfold On the night between February 26 and 27, 2023, in the hours following the attack and before the funeral, hundreds of settlers – primarily youth from the surrounding areas – stormed the town of Huwara in retaliation for the murder of the Yaniv brothers. They set fire to shops, houses, and vehicles, causing widespread destruction.   Border Police forces were called to the scene and attempted to disperse the rioters using tear gas and stun grenades. However, the violence persisted. Three settlers sustained injuries from stones thrown by Palestinians, while two others suffered from exposure to tear gas. The Palestinian Red Crescent reported approximately one hundred Palestinian casualties resulting from the clashes.   A reserve battalion, alongside Border Police teams stationed in the town, worked to rescue dozens of Palestinian families trapped inside their homes, which had been set ablaze.   Palestinian residents of Huwara provided harrowing testimonies the following day. They described how the rioters operated without interference for hours, setting fire to homes, vandalizing vehicles, and hurling stones. Some carried firearms, while others threw Molotov cocktails at residences. Witnesses reported that the attackers systematically entered various locations, torching buildings and damaging cars. Entire lots filled with new vehicles were consumed by flames.   According to the Palestinian Ministry of Health, 20 people suffered from gas and smoke inhalation, while one individual was lightly injured after being struck in the face with an iron bar. Another person sustained a severe head injury, suffering a fractured skull due to a stone attack.   Numerous videos documenting the events surfaced, showing the presence of soldiers, Border Police officers, and security vehicles at multiple locations within the town. Despite their presence, the riots continued for several hours. Palestinian residents reported that when they attempted to protect their homes, Israeli forces responded with tear gas and stun grenades rather than intervening against the rioters.   The violence erupted at approximately 2:30 p.m., yet it was not until around 11:00 p.m. that security forces finally regained control.   Investigation into Security Failures A subsequent investigation into the riots, submitted to the Chief of Staff, concluded that intelligence agencies had failed to provide an early warning about the settlers' plans. The Commander of the Central Commander. Major General Yehuda Fox, acknowledged that the military had been unprepared for the scale of the attack, stating: "We were preparing for a different event, and the intensity and scope of this one took us by surprise."   Military commanders noted that the level of violence was extraordinary, even in comparison to previous incidents.   Extensive reporting from Haaretz  newspaper revealed that the riots had been planned in advance. Messages circulating in WhatsApp groups called for protests and acts of retribution. According to the IDF, approximately 50 settlers led the violence, operating in coordinated squads. These individuals – most of whom were already known to the Shin Bet's Jewish Division – strategically avoided security cameras and brought flammable materials and Molotov cocktails to the scene. Each squad had a designated target to attack.   The Shin Bet acknowledged the incident but provided a vague response, stating that "measures are being taken to prevent similar occurrences in the future," without addressing the clear intelligence failure.   The IDF investigation uncovered multiple operational failures. Forces in the area were insufficient to both track the terrorist responsible for the earlier attack and simultaneously prevent violent riots. Reinforcements were slow to arrive, allowing the situation to escalate unchecked. The investigation further criticized military commanders for failing to identify the severity of the situation as it developed.   Although the report did not assign personal blame to any individual commanders, it did highlight poor coordination between the military and police, emphasizing that this issue needed urgent attention.   During the riots, one person – a 37-year-old man – was killed, and dozens were injured. Significant property damage occurred, with numerous buildings and vehicles torched. In total, losses were estimated at approximately 10 million shekels. Among the destruction were: 15 private vehicles set ablaze; Two scrapyards, containing approximately 250 additional vehicles, burned; Around 35 homes and businesses partially or completely damaged; Livestock, including sheep, slaughtered or stolen.   IDF Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi addressed the failures, stating that while the chain of command had made correct prioritization decisions, mistakes were made in force allocation and riot control. He admitted: "The IDF should have prevented the riots in Huwara. Acts of violent retribution against civilians, as well as attacks on IDF soldiers, are unacceptable. Such actions distract our forces from the fight against terrorism and nearly resulted in additional casualties during confrontations between soldiers and rioters."   Major General Yehuda Fox described the events as a "pogrom." He condemned the actions of the rioters, saying: "This was a shameful event perpetrated by lawbreakers acting against the values I was raised with, against the values of the State of Israel, and against the principles of Judaism."   Reactions and Justifications from the Right Following the violence, right-wing politicians offered varied responses. Minister of National Security, Itamar Ben-Gvir, who frequently comments on security matters, remained silent on the night of the riots. Only the following afternoon did he issue a brief statement echoing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's sentiment, calling on citizens to "refrain from taking the law into their own hands."   The minister, accompanied by his party members, arrived at a faction meeting in the Evyatar outpost, a location officially designated as a closed military area. There, he made his statement – all while staying in an illegal outpost alongside dozens of settlers. Despite the gravity of the events, he refrained from issuing any warnings in real time. Some of the MKs who were present with him openly expressed support for the rioters.   Negev, Galilee and National Resilience Minister Yitzhak Wasserlauf from the Otzma Yehudit faction, did not condemn the riots, nor did his fellow party member, Almog Cohen. MK Zvika Fogel, from the Otzma Yehudit faction, went so far as to declare: "A closed, burnt Huwara – that's what I want to see." Following this remark, a police investigation was launched against Fogel on suspicion of incitement to terrorism, after the Attorney General authorized the inquiry. However, after more than a year, the case was closed. In response, Fogel stated: "I will continue to tell the truth, even if it is not pleasing to the ears of the defeated faction."   Benzi Gopstein, chairman of the Lehava organization and a close ally of Minister Ben-Gvir, eliminated any ambiguity regarding his stance, offering an even more radical perspective: "The problem is not Huwara. Anyone who does not accept that there is a Jewish state here must get out. This is the only solution. It will take a long time... and a lot of Jewish blood will be shed before they understand this."   Daniella Weiss, chairman of the Nahala movement for settlement, also refused to condemn the riots. She stated unequivocally: "I have no word, not even a quarter of a word, to say to the rioters. Will I tell people to leave Huwara? Will I ask them to stop? Stop what? We are protecting Jewish lives."   As in similar cases, the dispute over the events hinged on the familiar question: Who started it? The Hilltop Youth claimed that they were responding to stone-throwing attacks and merely defended themselves as needed.   The Jewish Voice website reported: "Arabs threw stones at the convoy and other Jewish vehicles, and in response, Jews threw stones back."   Meanwhile, the Srugim  website framed the situation as follows: "Arabs attacked the wrong convoy, and they paid the price."   A relative of one of the detainees, who was also part of the convoy, expressed outrage: "These are nothing but show arrests, intended for two reasons: to placate extreme left-wing organizations by appearing tough on religious settlers and to intimidate the few Jews who still walk with their heads held high in Jewish pride. The message is clear – if you are attacked, you should flee or turn the other cheek. God forbid you defend yourself and respond in kind. This morning, the State of Israel denied its citizens their most basic right: self-defense."   Honenu  – "an Israeli Zionist legal aid organization which offers legal assistance to our people to protect and preserve their rights to receive a fair judicial process" – also weighed in: "In the town of Huwara, Arabs throw stones at Jews daily, yet the authorities only make arrests when the suspects are Jewish."   Elhanan Groner, editor of The Jewish Voice site, dismissed claims that the settlers' response to the attack in Huwara had been excessive: "A Jewish state should have done much more than this. In fact, Huwara has had no right to exist for many years. The State of Israel should have erased the town." He elaborated: "People are fed up- you see it in online reactions. The government was elected to restore sovereignty and security for Jews, yet today we wake up to news that the IDF is failing to stop terrorists. This frustration is driving widespread support for these actions. People want the state to take decisive action."   Settler spokespeople downplayed the severity of the riots, insisting that they were limited to the "burning of mashtubas." It refers to vehicles that have been rendered unfit for legal road use, often due to theft or obsolescence, yet continues to be driven dangerously in unauthorized areas. The phenomenon is particularly prevalent in the West Bank, the Palestinian Authority, and the Negev region.   The statements emerging from settler-leaders and activists reflected an unmistakably vigilante approach. According to their narrative, the real problem lay in the "security vacuum" created by military authorities in the West Bank, as well as in the "luminary eclipse" – their term for the perceived failure of those authorities to fulfill their duties. In this view, those responsible for fostering anarchy were not the Hilltop Youth, but rather the government and military, which were failing to uphold the proper Jewish order. The argument followed that, in the Middle East, one must "speak Arabic." While the youth in Huwara had spoken this language, according to this logic, such actions should have been carried out officially – by the state, not by individuals.   To properly "deal with the problem," the proposal put forth by some settlers called for reestablishing "retribution units" akin to the Commando Unit 101 [founded and commanded by Areil Sharon on orders from the Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, in August 1953. They were armed with non-standard weapons and tasked with carrying out retribution operations across the state's borders – in particular, establishing small unit maneuvers, activation and insertion tactics). These units, they argued, would be tasked with enforcing collective punishment in Arab communities across the West Bank and beyond. Such measures would include: The erasure of entire communities; Expulsions and killings; The burning of vehicles and property, all conducted in an organized and official manner. According to these voices, only such drastic steps would restore national honor and deterrence.   Additional Failures Despite the severity of the riots, the state ultimately did not prosecute any of those involved. Following the riots in Huwara, ten young men were arrested by police. However, nine were promptly released – some under restrictive conditions, such as house arrest – despite the existence of video footage from Palestinian stores showing them setting buildings on fire. Due to identification challenges and the suspects' refusal to cooperate during interrogation, authorities struggled to build a case.   In a parallel development, Minister of Defense Yoav Galant issued administrative detention orders for two of the nine released individuals. A security source emphasized the significance of this move: "Bringing justice to these rioters is the most crucial step in combating this phenomenon. This may be the only deterrent preventing such an event from recurring in the future."   The administrative detention orders sparked a fierce backlash from right-wing politicians. In response, 50 ministers and MKs from across the coalition signed a sharply worded letter to the Minister of Defense, demanding the release of the detainees. The letter, initiated by MK Limor Son Har-Melech of Otzma Yehudit, was signed by prominent figures, including: Itamar Ben-Gvir, Minister of National Security; Shlomo Karhi, Minister of Communications; Orit Strook, Minister of Settlements and National Missions; Idit Silman, Minister of Environmental Protection; Numerous deputy ministers and other MKs. Their letter condemned the detentions as "a predatory measure directed against the settler community."   The Minister of Defence Galant stood by the decision, though his response failed to satisfy the protesters. He clarified: "This is a unique case involving individuals who chose to act outside the law. They do not represent the settler community; in fact, they are harming it." He also revealed that the Shin Bet had gathered significant intelligence indicating that the two detainees were planning additional violent actions and had a well-documented history of hostility toward security forces. Galant concluded with a firm stance: "We must not encourage any form of terrorism – including vigilante terrorism."   In late March 2023, while two young men were facing terrorism charges for attacking a family in the town of Huwara, Minister of Public Security Itamar Ben-Gvir met with their parents. He assured them that he would take action to "right the wrong."   Consequences and Escalation The failures of the security authorities – before, during, and after the Huwara riots – left the Hilltop Youth undeterred. In fact, their actions may have even been emboldened, as further incidents continued to unfold.   The very next day, on February 27, 2023, far-right activists attempted a similar attack in Silwad, a Palestinian town in Samaria near Ofra, belonging to the Ramallah and al-Bireh Governorate. With a population of around 6,000, the town is considered a Hamas stronghold and has been classified by the IDF as one of the most violent in the Binyamin sector, producing numerous terrorists.   According to security sources, activists arrived in Silwad masked and in a convoy of vehicles. However, unlike in Huwara, they were met by Palestinian residents who pelted their vehicles with stones, setting one of them on fire. The activists fled in a vehicle belonging to one of the administrative detainees previously arrested for his role in the Huwara riots.   A senior security source commented: "This incident could have easily ended in murder or kidnapping, further escalating tensions in the West Bank and potentially sparking violence in other regions as well."   The failure to enforce consequences allowed Huwara to become a symbol of defiance and perceived victory among radicalized youth. It was widely celebrated within extremist circles, even inspiring songs.   An anonymous singer's track about the Huwara fire became a hit in the "Hilltop News" WhatsApp group. The lyrics, set to the melody of Hanan Ben Ari's song Chananya, included: "Who is going up in flames? Huwara." The response line suggested: "Both houses and cars... They are evacuating the old women, women, and girls, it burned all night." Further lyrics glorified the destruction: "There is nothing like Huwara when it is burning. All the angels are enjoying themselves from above."   Despite the high-profile riots, no meaningful changes were implemented. In the following weeks, tensions between settlers and Palestinian residents in Huwara remained high, leading to continued violent confrontations.   On March 7, 2023, four Palestinians, including a young girl, were injured after their vehicles were pelted with stones in Huwara. According to residents, settlers also fired into the air.   Footage from the town showed masked men throwing stones and clubs at a Palestinian car carrying children. Meanwhile, IDF soldiers were filmed dancing with settlers on the main street of Huwara, as chants of "Huwara is occupied" echoed in the background. Other videos showed settlers attacking Palestinian vehicles, forcing them to flee. Eventually, security forces intervened, dispersing the gathering in Huwara – only for a similar mob to form at the Yitzhar Junction, where settlers threw stones and set off fireworks.   On March 25, 2023, two Kfir Brigade soldiers – both yeshiva students – were seriously and moderately wounded when a gunman opened fire from a passing vehicle near a military post in Huwara. The attacker fled to Nablus.   Fearing further reprisals, security forces quickly deployed reinforcements. Despite this, retaliatory clashes broke out between settlers and Palestinians. Over 100 settlers gathered at Yitzhar Junction, attempting to break through police and army checkpoints. The confrontation escalated, with Border Police and Border Police forces stepping in to restore order.   The Palestinian Red Crescent reported that a Palestinian civilian had been attacked by settlers.   On March 27, 2023, dozens of Israelis launched attacks in Huwara, leaving six Palestinians injured. One of the wounded was transferred to Rafidia Hospital in Nablus.   A security source reported that Israeli settlers: Set fire to a truck; Stoned Palestinian vehicles, including an ambulance that was damaged while transporting the wounded,   In response, Palestinians threw stones at passing Israeli cars. Security forces arrived, closed the road, arrested five settlers and ten Palestinians, and eventually dispersed the confrontation.   On March 28, 2023, the leaders of "Fighting for Life," a far-right settler group, released a statement in explicitly vigilante language: "Huwara again. Again, endless stone throwing. Again, the system chooses containment. Dozens of residents went to Huwara yesterday during life-threatening Arab riots. Only after residents acted did the army intervene – poorly. Instead of dealing with the stone throwers, the army closed the road and forcibly removed the residents demanding it be reopened."   On March 19, 2023, one of the few exceptions, proving that a strong military presence can deter settler violence, occurred. David Stern, a former U.S. Marine, was moderately to seriously wounded in the hand and head after being shot in a terror attack. Stern managed to return fire, wounding the assailant. Unlike previous incidents, IDF forces were properly deployed, preventing retaliatory settler violence. The attacker was later captured by Samaria Police scouts, who found him hiding in a building in Huwara. His Carlo-type submachine gun was confiscated. Photography: Idan Yaron International Reactions and U.S. Sanctions In early February 2024, U.S. imposed sanctions on four settlers involved in attacks against Palestinians in the West Bank. One of the sanctioned individuals was David Chai Chasdai, a prominent Hilltop Youth activist from Beit El. Even in his youth, he had been the No. 1 target of the Shin Bet.   The U.S. government accused Chasdai of leading the Huwara riots. His actions, alongside those of other far-right settlers, led to increased diplomatic pressure on Israel from Western allies.   Town Residents File Lawsuit – Late February 2025 In late February 2025, residents of Huwara filed a lawsuit in response to the violent riots that took place on February 23, 2023. Nine Palestinians – who suffered severe harm primarily from smoke inhalation due to arson, as well as psychological trauma and extreme anxiety – filed for 700,000 shekels in compensation from the IDF, the Israel Police, and the Defense Ministry. The plaintiffs argued that these security bodies had "completely failed to fulfill their legal obligations" by failing to prepare adequately for an attack, neglecting to instruct security forces on the ground, and failing to provide protection to the town’s residents.   According to the prosecution, despite receiving prior warnings, security forces: Did not prevent rioters from entering Huwara; Failed to deploy an adequate number of personnel; Did not issue appropriate operational directives; Did not protect civilians or their property; Did not effectively investigate criminal offenses or hold perpetrators accountable.   The plaintiffs further claimed that the limited measures taken by security forces were incomplete and insufficient, rendering them ineffective. They argued: "No reasonable effort was made to gather evidence against any of the 400 rioters who arrived in organized transports from nearby towns. Only a handful of suspects were detained for questioning, and authorities seemingly made a premeditated decision to forgo interrogating dozens or even hundreds of others." Thay claimed that, in addition to security failures during the riots, the investigation into the events was deeply flawed. The plaintiffs alleged that: Security camera footage and mobile phone recordings from town residents were not systematically collected; Eyewitness testimonies from victims and Palestinian residents were not gathered; The condition of the injured was not monitored to determine whether they could provide critical information on their attackers; IDF soldiers who were present at the scene – potential witnesses – were not questioned; Physical evidence from multiple crime scenes was never collected.   The lawsuit also criticized the police for actively obstructing justice. According to the plaintiffs, officers not only failed to assist victims in filing complaints but also deliberately delayed the formal complaint process for two days following the death of a Palestinian resident. This obstruction, they argued, violated the police’s legal duty to investigate crimes independently, even without a formal complaint. The plaintiffs asserted that this selective enforcement was discriminatory, unlawful, and fundamentally unjust.   Conclusions A significant "systemic failure" took place in the town of Huwara. The riots represented a collective breakdown of all security forces – the Shin Bet, which was responsible for providing early warnings, the IDF, which holds sovereign control on the ground and is tasked with ensuring the security of all residents, and the Israel Police, which operates under its authority.   Despite clear warning signs – which I personally observed at the time – and the understanding that this was a public that had previously demonstrated its intentions and aspirations through action, the security establishment failed to act decisively. Social media platforms were flooded with inflammatory rhetoric. Posters called for vengeance. The Deputy Regional Council of Samaria publicly advocated for the complete destruction of Huwara, a sentiment endorsed with a "like" by Bezalel Smotrich. This endorsement prompted a harsh response from the U.S. State Department, condemning the behavior as "irresponsible, offensive, and disgusting." Smotrich later clarified that "taking the law into one's own hands is prohibited," yet even these developments were not enough to prompt the Shin Bet, the IDF, and the Israel Police to take the necessary precautions and preventive measures.   The core group responsible for carrying out the attack was drawn from a defined social movement within the population of the West Bank, known as Hilltop Youth. Although the events involved broader circles of participants, this radical faction played a central role.   The connection between the rioters and the Kahanist movement became unmistakable through a video shared in the WhatsApp group "Hill News." Set against the backdrop of flames engulfing homes and vehicles in Huwara, the video featured quotes from Rabbi Meir Kahane: "We want to create physically strong, courageous, and fearless Jews who respond to war with all their might." Another quote declared: "We came to change a two-thousand-year-old image of exile – an image that must be buried because it buried us." The video concluded with the statement: "There is no such thing as Jewish terrorism, there is Jewish revenge," followed by a final caption: "Today everyone knows! Rabbi Kahane was right."   In summary, the violent riots in Huwara were an inevitable consequence of the ongoing lack of governance and sovereignty in the West Bank. They also reflected the growing influence of violent extremism, manifesting in increasing instances of vigilantism and even vigilante terrorism in the region.   Yet, despite the intent to destroy and displace the town's residents, Huwara was rebuilt with international support. In mid-March 2023, UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed announced a grant of three million dollars to assist in its rehabilitation and reconstruction following the violence.   After a series of additional incidents – some resulting in serious casualties – the first section of the Huwara bypass road was opened in November 2023. This new route now allows travel without passing through the town, mitigating the potential for further unnecessary friction. (Permission to attached Photograph: Activestills.org ).

Photography: Idan Yaron Preliminary Note - Name of the region Etymology:  The name "West Bank" is a translation from the Arabic which designates the territory situated on the western side of the Jordan River that was occupied in 1948 and annexed in 1950 by the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.   Change of name:  After occupation of the area during the Six-Day War in June 1967, a discussion commenced regarding the official name of the region. In July 1968, the Government Names Committee, with the approval of the Prime Minister, officially decided that the area would be named "Judea and Samaria."   On February 2025, the Israeli Ministerial Committee for Legislative Affairs approved the Religious Zionist KM Simcha Rothman's proposed bill to amend the official terminology by replacing the term "West Bank" with "Judea and Samaria." This legislative initiative aims to standardize the use of the term "Judea and Samaria" in all Israeli legal frameworks, ensuring consistency in official discourse and documentation rather than using alternative terms that refer to the same geographical region.   MK Simcha Rothman elaborated on the significance of the proposed change, stating: "Replacing the term 'West Bank' with 'Judea and Samaria' will serve as a clear acknowledgment by the legislator of the Jewish people's historical and legitimate right to this land, while also correcting a longstanding historical distortion. It is imperative that we refrain from using terminology that aligns with the enemy's agenda and perpetuates a false narrative. For this reason, the impact of this change is profound.   Personal note:  I generally use the term "West Bank," except when the official name of an entity includes the phrase "Judea and Samaria."   Local Government The Yesha Council: Serves as the umbrella organization for all local authorities in Judea, Samaria, and the Jordan Valley.   Mayors:  Ariel; Beitar Illit; Modi'in Illit; Ma'ale Adumim.   Heads of Regional Councils:  Gush Etzion; Mount Hebron; Dead Sea Scrolls ( Megilot ); Binyamin; Jordan Valley;   Shomron.   Heads of Local Councils:  The 13 Local council leaders oversee municipal and settlement governance in smaller communities throughout the region.   In municipal elections in Israel , the residents of the cities and local councils vote for the chairperson of the local authority (mayor or municipality chairpersons), as well as for members of the city councils or the local councils. In the municipal elections due to be held in October 2023, seven women were set to run for these posts in the West Bank.   Ravshatsim  – Local Community Security Chiefs (Military Security Coordinators – MSCs):  See separate section.   Rabbis Senior rabbis serve in various capacities – including overseeing regional councils, individual settlements, and major central yeshivas.   Settlement Movements Amana ("Covenant"): Founded by Gush Emunim in 1976, Amana's primary goal has been to develop communities in the West Bank, the Golan Heights, the Galilee, the Negev, and Gush Katif. Head: Ze'ev ("Zambish") Hever.   Nachala:  A radical Israeli settler organization that supports young settlers and establishes new Israeli outposts in the West Bank. Their goal is for Israel to annex both the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Director: Daniella Weiss.   Hashomer Hachadash  ("The New Guard") : A Zionist volunteer-based organization dedicated to protecting the Land of Israel and strengthening the connection between Israeli society and Jewish heritage. HaShomer  engages diverse sectors of the Jewish and Israeli communities through agriculture and security-focused volunteering. With over 120,000 volunteers annually, HaShomer  promotes values such as civil courage, mutual responsibility, and love for the land. It provides farm owners with support, including: Volunteers who assist with night patrols and agricultural labor; Domestic help for farm operations; Training in spoken Arabic, self-defense, and tracking to help farmers protect their property from theft.   Farms – Individual – Shepherds Unlike conventional settlements, "farms of individuals" are established and managed by single individuals, families, or small groups of settlers over large areas. In the West Bank, these farms, often called "shepherds' farms" (see separate section), are private initiatives led by army graduates who invest personal resources to purchase livestock and establish a presence that limits Palestinian activity in these territories. While the farms often operate with grazing permits from the Ministry of Agriculture or the Civil Administration, the structures erected on their land are frequently unauthorized.   Hilltop Youth See separate section.   The Jewish Voice ( HaKol HaYehudi ) News Site An Israeli news platform. Originally founded as a weekly newspaper in 2009 by Yitzhar residents, it is an independent media organization funded by public donations and founded by a group of followers of Rabbi Yitzhak Ginsburg. According to the website of Yeshiva Od Yosef Chai Yeshiva in Yitzhar, " HaKol HaYehudi  was founded by several graduates of the yeshiva, with the aim of changing and influencing public discourse and the media in Israel." The editors and founders of the website are Elchanan Groner and Yehuda Pearl. Groner explained that "  HaKol HaYehudi  started as a leaflet distributed in the Hills. Later, we had a website with four articles a week and it grew. In 2018, we decided to focus on investigations, and that's where we burst into consciousness."   Central Government, Administration, and Knesset Promoters Bezalel Smotrich:  Born: 1980. Leader of the National Religious Party – Religious Zionism; Minister of Finance (since 2022). The Finance Ministry is Israel's main economic body, responsible for shaping and executing government financial policy, setting fiscal targets, preparing the state budget, and overseeing its implementation. In February 2023, Smotrich was also entrusted with significant administrative responsibilities in the West Bank. His role includes developing settlements and integrating their administration with that of Israeli territory.   Hillel Roth : Appointed by Smotrich as deputy in the Civil Administration, responsible for enforcing building regulations in settlements and outposts. Roth, a former resident of Yitzhar, previously worked with Bnei Akiva – affiliated with the Religious Zionist Party – as vice CEO.   The Civil Administration:  Israel's governing body in the West Bank, established in 1981 to handle bureaucratic functions in territories captured in 1967. Although formally distinct, it operates under the Israeli military.   Orit Malka Strook:  Born: 1960. Minister of Settlements and National Missions (37th government), KM (National Religious Party – Religious Zionism). Strook was a leading figure in Jewish settlement in Hebron and founded the Human Rights Organization of the West Bank, which she led from 2004 to 2012. As Minister of Settlements and National Missions, Strook oversees core settlement policies in Israel and other functions related to settlement expansion.   The Division for Planning and Control (Settlement Division):  Established by government decision in 2016, it supports settlement activities through: Policy coordination; Supervision and control; Liaison between the Settlement Division and government ministries. The division currently operates under Minister Strook's office.   The Knesset:  Israel's unicameral legislature. Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee:  A permanent Knesset committee overseeing key foreign and defense matters, including: Legislation;   Oversight of relevant ministries; Budget approvals.   Subcommittee for Judea and Samaria and the Seam Zone: Previously led by Zvi Yedidia Sukkot (born 1990), a Religious Zionist Party activist and former Executive Director of Otzma Yehudit.   Avihai Avraham Boaron:  Born: 1973. Settler activist and KM (Likud, since July 2024).   Intertwined Forces: Leadership and Power in the West Bank There are two primary forces shaping the West Bank: bottom-up grassroots movements and top-down central government policies. The center-periphery dynamic – the relationship between dominant political hubs and outlying settlements – can be either collaborative or competitive. When aligned, they can establish a powerful and effective strategy.   Shared Ideological Foundations: Settlement expansion is driven by religious, political, and ideological motivations. They believe in Greater Israel, referring to  the historic or desired borders of Israel. Settlers view their presence in the area as part of the historical vision of Jewish settlement in the Land of Israel, deeply rooted in biblical commandments and messianic redemption.   Rabbi Abraham Isaac HaCohen Kook (" HaRaAYaH ") was a foundational figure in the Religious Zionist Movement, which believes that the redemption of the Land of Israel and the establishment of the State of Israel will usher in the Jewish Messiah. In numerous references, he called his time Atchalta De'Geulah/ His son, Zvi Yehuda Kook, was a leading spiritual force behind the Israeli settlement movement.   Minister Orit Strook articulated this vision (July 2023): "We are privileged to be public emissaries in a generation of redemption... My role as Minister of Settlement allows me to correct the Sin of the Spies [who lacked faith in God's vision] by strengthening settlement and building the land... We are blessed to have been born in this generation of the time of Atchalta   De'Geulah , and to take an active part in the miracles of the Return to Zion; the Gathering of Exiles; the first rays of light ( ayelet   ha'shachar ) glimmering over the skies – "at first little by little, but as it progresses it grows greater and greater."   In his Israel's Decisive Plan, then-MK Bezalel Smotrich, an attorney who served as vice-chairman of the Knesset (on behalf of the  Ha-Ihud Hale'umi  party within the Jewish Home Party), declared: "I am a believer. I believe in the Holy One, Blessed Be He; in His love for the Jewish People, and His Providence over them. I believe in the Torah which foretold the exile and promised redemption. I believe in the words of the prophets who witnessed the destruction, and no less in the renewed building that has taken shape before our eyes. I believe that the State of Israel is the beginning of our unfolding redemption, the fulfillment of the prophecies of the Torah and the visions of the Prophets."   Security Forces Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Central Command: A regional military command responsible for operations in the West Bank; Jerusalem; The Sharon region; Gush Dan; The Shephelah.   The 877th Judea and Samaria Division: Oversees Israeli military activity in the region.   Territorial Brigades:  Provide logistical infrastructure and security in the West Bank: Jordan Valley Brigade; Menashe Brigade; Ephraim Brigade; Samaria Brigade; Binyamin Brigade: Etzion Brigade; Judea Brigade.   The   Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories A unit in the Ministry of Defense, tasked with overseeing civilian policy in the West Bank. It operates in collaboration with Israeli governmental and defense officials and is led by a major general who is part of the general staff of the IDF.   Israel Police – Judea and Samaria District Responsible for law enforcement from the Hebron Mountains to Megiddo Junction. The Central Unit:  handles intelligence and serious crime investigations.   Border Guard – Judea and Samaria Region Manages Border Guard operations in the territories.   Israel Security Agency (ISA / Shin Bet) Oversees internal security. The Jewish Department:  monitors extremist activities within the West Bank, focusing on violent extremism and vigilante terrorism, directed against the state and the democratic regime, and originating in the West Bank or elsewhere.

In the wake of the explosives planted in Gush Dan and concerns over potential escalation, the IDF has announced the reinforcement of three battalions in Central Command. Simultaneously, the military is preparing to expand its offensive operations while maintaining its ongoing counterterrorism efforts in northern Samaria.   The risk of the "Gazanization" of the West Bank, along with the potential displacement (transfer) of its Palestinian inhabitants, is steadily increasing. This comes in response to calls from extreme right-wing elements, who assert that "the only solution to the enemy problem is to 'take possession of the land and settle in it, for I have given you the land to possess' (Numbers 33:53)." צילום: עידן ירון

Herding Sheep in Historical and Biblical Sources The sight of sheep and the practice of shepherding have deep historical roots. As recorded in the Book of Genesis: " Pharaoh said to his brothers, 'What is your occupation?' And they said to Pharaoh, 'Your servants are shepherds, as our fathers were'"  (Genesis 47:3).   The imagery of shepherding appears prominently in the Book of Amos, drawn from the prophet's own background as a shepherd: "The words of Amos, one of the shepherds of Tekoa – the vision he saw concerning Israel two years before the earthquake, when Uzziah was king of Judah and Jeroboam son of Jehoash[ a ] was king of Israel. He said: 'The Lord roars from Zion and thunders from Jerusalem; the pastures of the shepherds dry up and the top of Carmel withers" (Amos 1:1-2).   The Holy One is often likened to a "shepherd," while the people of Israel are depicted as "His flock." This symbolism extends to leadership, where the leaders of Israel are expected to embody the qualities of a shepherd – caring, guiding, and protecting. "Now Moses was tending the flock of Jethro his father-in-law, the priest of Midian, and he led the flock to the far side of the wilderness and came to Horeb, the mountain of God"  (Exodus 3:1)/   In Psalms 11, it is written: "the Lord tries the righteous ," and Jewish tradition explains that God tested individuals through shepherding. David, for instance, was examined through his care for sheep and found to be a good shepherd before being entrusted with the people of Israel. Similarly, Moses was tested in the flock before leading the nation. As noted in Shemot Rabbah , Parsha 3:3: "You have two great men of the world whom the Lord tested in a small matter and found them faithful, and because of this, they went on to greatness" – David and Moses.   The website of Hashomer Yosh  – an organization founded in 2013 to support farmers in the West Bank (sanctioned by the UK, claiming that it is " a non-governmental organization that provides volunteers for illegal outposts, including Meitarim Outpost, which was founded by the extremist settler Yinon Levi, who the UK sanctioned earlier on")  – states under the heading "Pasture:" "Taking the flock or cattle out to pasture is a significant part of daily life on the farm. One of the most effective tools for preserving open areas in the West Bank is the daily grazing of sheep and cattle. The grazing area covers thousands of dunams, more than any other agricultural crop. The average grazing area is the size of a medium-sized city in Israel, and thus grazing protects the land reserves of the State of Israel from illegal takeover."   The strategic use of grazing for land control in the West Bank began in the early 1970s. By the early 1980s, confidential documents indicate that land was allocated for grazing purposes, leading to later settlement expansion. For instance, a document from November 1981, issued by the "Judea and Samaria Division," ordered the allocation of 850 dunams from the villages of Jalud, Turmus Ayya, and Qaryut to settlers in Shiloh for grazing. Over time, these grazing allocations evolved into areas that settlers took over for construction. Another document from March 1982 detailed the allocation of 2,500 dunams from the villages of Al-Tayba and Deir Jarir for grazing near the Rimonim settlement. This land remains largely undeveloped, as much of it falls within what the military has designated as "Firing Area 906."   Between 2012 and mid-2019, over 20 outposts were established as shepherding farms, with their establishment and operation coordinated with the Israeli military, which provided them with full backing.   The proliferation of pastoral farms has become a central strategy for settlers in the West Bank. Through the practice of grazing, these farms play a role in pushing Palestinian shepherding communities off their lands.   In late February 2021, Ze'ev "Zambish" Hever , Secretary-General of the Amana Movement, stated that Amana planned to establish ten additional pastoral farms outposts in the West Bank within the coming year. He emphasized that these farms serve as an effective means of securing control over large areas of land, much more so than traditional settlement construction. "Construction takes up little space, for economic reasons. We reached 100 square kilometers after more than 50 years," Hever explained. "However, the pastoral farms now control more than twice the area of the built-up settlements. One farm preserves thousands of dunams of land."   By December 2021, reports indicated that between 2017 and 2021, Israelis had established more than 50 new isolated settlements in the West Bank, at least 35 of which were pastoral farms, with the purpose of claiming control over hundreds of thousands of dunams of land.   In the early 2020s, a critical shift occurred in the scale, resources, and impact of these shepherding farms, leading to increased tensions between settlers and Palestinian communities. This expansion continues to reshape the dynamics of land use and ownership in the region.   The establishment of pastoral farms in the West Bank has occurred without government authorization, lacking building permits, and in violation of international law. Many of these farms have become focal points for violence against Palestinians. There exists a complex relationship between the State of Israel and the settlers, where the state enables legal violations through inaction and indirect support.   Most pastoral farms are not the result of spontaneous local initiatives or individual efforts. Instead, their creation is facilitated by government backing, which includes land allocations, financial incentives, and infrastructure development. Additionally, settlers benefit from public funding and protection from Israeli law enforcement authorities.   Many settlers residing on these farms are armed, accompanied by attack dogs, and employ ATVs, horses, and drones. Reports indicate that they frequently attack Palestinians, threaten communities, invade private homes, kill and injure livestock, destroy property, damage crops, and seize water sources. This violence is deliberate and systematic, aimed at displacing Palestinian farmers from their lands, restricting grazing areas, and expanding Jewish territorial control.   The use of violence to establish dominance and displace Palestinians is tacitly supported by Israel. This support is demonstrated through direct military assistance and a lack of enforcement against settlers engaging in criminal activities. In stark contrast, Palestinian shepherd communities face home demolitions and restricted living areas imposed by Israeli authorities.   Through these pastoral farms, Israel aims to create a lasting shift in the landscape of settlements in the West Bank. This policy severely impacts Palestinian human rights and threatens to result in the large-scale dispossession and displacement of Palestinian communities.   A report published by Kerem Navot  in June 2022 highlighted that settlers have taken control of approximately 238,000 dunams following the establishment of 77 farm outposts (66 of which were created in the past decade). Nearly a third of this land lies within military "firing zones," where even Israelis are officially prohibited from entering. Additionally, tens of thousands of dunams fall within nature reserves, where grazing is forbidden without coordination with the Israel Nature and Parks Authority. The report concludes that Israeli sheep and cattle grazing in the West Bank has become the most significant tool used by Israel to dispossess Palestinian communities over the past decade.   Farm outposts are categorized into three main types: Permanent pastoral outposts, which serve as long-term grazing settlements; Young agricultural outposts, established within the past decade, where grazing is secondary but has the potential to expand in the future; Subsidiary outposts, which are branches of permanent pastoral outposts and are occasionally dismantled and reestablished.   As of mid-November 2024, reports indicate that approximately 90 pastoral farms are active across the West Bank, with over 20 new farms established in the past year alone. These farms collectively control an estimated 650,000 dunams, primarily within Area C. Their overarching objective is to remove Palestinians from agricultural and grazing sectors and consolidate control over vast territories. As a result, approximately 35 Palestinian shepherd communities have already been forced to abandon their homes due to repeated violence from settlers. Internationally, both the U.S. and the European Union have announced sanctions against six farm owners, yet enforcement on the ground remains absent.   Support of the Israeli Authorities General:  In 2023, the Israeli government allocated 15 million NIS to 68 pastoral farms in the West Bank. An additional 39 million NIS is budgeted for 2024 to further support these farms. Furthermore, non-farm outposts received 13 million NIS in 2023, with an increased allocation of 25 million NIS for 2024. These funds have been used to finance infrastructure, security measures, and agricultural expansion, further entrenching the settler presence in the region. "Security components" include vehicles such as rangers, drones, cameras, generators, electric gates, light poles, fences, solar panels, and more. The IDF and the Central Command were actively involved in planning and approving the allocation of funds, including determining which farms and outposts would receive financial support and specifying the security components that would be funded at each location.   The funds were allocated to the Ministry of Settlement and National Missions, under Minister Orit Struk, and transferred to the World Zionist Organization's Settlement Division , which managed the financial distribution. The Settlement Division subsequently funneled the funds to regional councils  of the settlements, which, in turn, financed operations on farms and outposts.   The state also played a role in facilitating the physical establishment of these farms. Examples include Zvi Bar Yosef's farm (sanctioned internationally for repeatedly attacked and committed acts of violence against Palestinians, causing severe injuries to some of them) – who received security cameras; and Neria Ben Pazi's farm – who received from the Ministry of Agriculture cellular panels costing 12,000 NIS. Ben Pazi operates a farm outpost near Kochav Hashahar, close to the Palestinian village of Wadi a-Sik, whose residents fled in October 2023 following reports of ongoing harassment and attacks by farm personnel. Israeli and Palestinian activists reported that Ben Pazi was present during these incidents. In response, the U.S. imposed sanctions on him in March 2024.   Ministry of Agriculture An analysis by the organization Peace Now based on Ministry of Finance data reveals that, over the six years leading to mid-June 2024, the Ministry of Agriculture allocated approximately 1.66 million NIS to agricultural outposts in the West Bank, with an additional 1.5 million NIS approved for payment but not yet disbursed. While some Arab herders who are Israeli citizens receive support, only Israeli herders are eligible for assistance in the West Bank, whereas Palestinian herders are excluded.   The funds are allocated to promote grazing in open areas under the pretext of "ecological considerations." The official procedures state: "One of the objectives of the Ministry of Agriculture is the preservation of open areas. The Ministry has a vital interest in encouraging the possession and cultivation of open areas to ensure ecological balance, scenic and social contributions, and continued agricultural activity. The protection of these areas involves preventing fires, mitigating soil erosion, controlling the wolf population, and preventing unauthorized takeovers. To achieve these goals, the Ministry provides financial incentives for open-area grazing. The criteria for financial support depend on the grazing area and the number of livestock."   However, the Ministry's involvement extends beyond direct support for grazing. The Israeli government has allocated more than 8,500 dunams to six agricultural farms and outposts in the West Bank for grazing and agricultural purposes – despite the fact that these outposts were built without legal permits. The Ministry of Agriculture has also funded three organizations that supply volunteers for agricultural work in these outposts: Hashomer Yosh, Kedma, and the Beit Yatir – Pre-army Torah Academy.   Impact on Palestinian Shepherds In 2017, reports indicated that Palestinian shepherds in the West Bank and Gaza Strip managed approximately one million livestock, providing essential dairy and meat products for the Palestinian population. Roughly 30,000 Palestinian shepherds live across 183 Bedouin communities in Area C, facing an escalating crisis due to Israeli policies that systematically reduce their grazing areas.   These policies – affecting approximately 60 percents of the West Bank – have significantly impacted their ability to sustain their flocks. With open grazing areas increasingly restricted, Palestinian shepherds are forced to purchase fodder, substantially increasing the cost of maintaining their herds.   Palestinian shepherds belong to one of the most impoverished segments of society, residing in harsh conditions with minimal access to basic services such as sanitation, infrastructure, healthcare, and education. Sheep herding represents both their primary livelihood and a centuries-old tradition.   By late 2021, reports highlighted that continued encroachment on their grazing lands not only threatened their economic stability but also jeopardized their traditional way of life. Palestinian shepherds primarily rely on wild pastures to meet the nutritional needs of their livestock. However, when these lands are blocked – often due to Israeli policy decisions – they are left with no choice but to purchase fodder at high costs. While some manage to sustain themselves temporarily, many are ultimately forced to sell portions of their herds or abandon the profession entirely. Many displaced shepherds find work in Israeli settlements, further contributing to the cycle of dependency and displacement.   It is reported that the West Bank has more than 2 million dunams of land suitable for grazing sheep, suggesting that, on the surface, there is no shortage of grazing land. However, Israel permits Palestinian shepherds to access only about a third of this land. One of the greatest challenges Palestinian shepherds face is the continuous expansion of settlements, as their boundaries frequently shift to accommodate the agricultural interests of settlers. Infrastructure projects, including roads and security fences, often disrupt the traditional grazing paths of Palestinian shepherds, creating physical barriers between Bedouin communities and their pastureland. In some cases, open grazing areas are suddenly fenced off overnight, rendering them accessible only to settlers, while fences placed by Palestinians around grazing areas are swiftly dismantled by the Israeli military. Some pastures that were historically used for grazing have even been converted into settlement landfills, making them hazardous for livestock.   Due to the expansion of farm outposts, many Palestinian shepherds have been forced to reduce their herds or sell them entirely, as access to grazing land diminishes and reliance on expensive purchased feed increases. Rising feed prices, combined with severe restrictions on Palestinian construction in Area C, have exacerbated the economic hardship for Palestinian shepherds, making it increasingly difficult for them to sustain their way of life.   By late February 2023, reports indicated that approximately 10,000 Israelis resided in settlements in the Jordan Valley, alongside 65,000 Palestinians living in urban and rural communities. Additionally, around 2,700 Palestinian farmers and shepherds lived in small, remote communities, making them some of the most vulnerable and persecuted populations in the West Bank. These groups suffer from frequent abuse by both the Israeli Civil Administration and extremist settler groups, often referred to as the Hilltop Youth.   By late August 2023, reports highlighted the use of sheep herding as a means of Palestinian displacement. The example of Wadi a-Siq, located in the Ramallah district, was cited: almost daily, and sometimes multiple times per day, settlers from the Rimonim settlement area entered the village, grazing their flocks between Palestinian homes and in residents' agricultural fields. Over time, these activities completely devastated local fields, leaving Palestinian families unable to grow crops. Fearing settler violence, Palestinian shepherds ceased grazing in their fields and were forced to buy expensive fodder instead. Once the settlers had destroyed local crops and eliminated the residents’ livelihoods, they began plowing and cultivating the fields for themselves. These rural Palestinian communities receive no protection, as Israeli police rarely respond to calls from Palestinian residents. When Palestinians attempt to defend their land, they face arrests by Israeli authorities or violent retaliation from settlers.   A common tactic employed by settlers to expel Palestinian shepherds is to scatter their herds using ATVs, drones, or direct physical confrontation. Settlers unilaterally declare certain areas off-limits to Palestinian grazing and forcibly expel any Palestinian shepherds attempting to graze there. In many cases, settlers themselves live in illegal outposts and lack any legal documentation proving ownership of the land, yet their claims are often enforced by the Israeli military, which assists in evicting Palestinian shepherds even from lands with no legal basis for expulsion.   Escalation After October 7, 2023 Since October 7, 2023, there has been a rapid acceleration in the expulsion of Palestinian pastoralist and agricultural communities from Area C, particularly in the Jordan Valley, the Benjamin region, and the southern Hebron Hills. Key developments include: Grazing areas have been significantly reduced; Access to water sources has been severely restricted; Coordinated efforts between settlers, the Israeli military, and the Jordan Valley Regional Council have facilitated widespread displacement.   One widely used method of land appropriation is the construction of long fences, often stretching hundreds or even thousands of meters. Additionally, checkpoints have been established to prevent Palestinians from accessing agricultural roads they previously used.   In the second half of November 2023, settlers initiated the construction of a large fence along the Alon Road (Road 578) in the northern Jordan Valley. The fence extends from opposite the settlement of Maskyot southward, passing the Havat Eretz Shemesh outpost and continuing another two kilometers south. The stated purpose of the fence is to prevent Palestinian shepherds from grazing their flocks in the area, further restricting their access to land essential for their livelihood.   The cumulative impact of these policies and actions is forcing many Palestinian shepherds to abandon their way of life, resulting in the continued erosion of Palestinian rural communities in the West Bank.   While international and Israeli attention was focused on southern Israel and Gaza, settlers took advantage of the situation to expand their control over Area C. According to B'Tselem (late October 2023), 13 Palestinian communities were forcibly displaced, and five additional communities were partially evacuated. In total, 129 families, comprising 850 individuals, were affected. Prior to the war, six communities – 450 people – had already been displaced over two years due to settler violence, often with tacit support from the Israeli military.   From October 7, 2023, to mid-March 2024, settlers seized an additional 4,000 dunams of land. The vast areas now controlled by settler farms include land that Israel had previously designated as firing zones or nature reserves between the late 1960s and 1980s. Despite these designations, Palestinian pastoral communities had used these lands for generations for grazing – both before and after Israel's 1967 occupation of the West Bank. The restriction of access to these lands severely undermines Palestinian herders' ability to graze livestock and sustain their livelihoods.   Violence from settler farm residents against Palestinian communities has been a long-standing issue. However, testimonies collected by B'Tselem and Israeli Protective Presence activists indicate a sharp increase in both frequency and severity of attacks since October 7. Reported violent actions include: Charging into Palestinian flocks with tractors or horses, trampling livestock; Allowing settler herds to graze in cultivated Palestinian fields, destroying crops; Setting dogs on Palestinian residents; Nighttime raids into Palestinian villages; Theft of sheep and goats; Vandalizing and burning Palestinian property; Physical assaults on Palestinian residents and Israeli activists; Threats and intimidation to deter Palestinians from grazing.   Despite these violent incidents, Israeli police rarely investigate settler aggression. When Palestinians or Israeli activists attempt to file complaints, they often find themselves treated as suspects rather than victims.   As of March 2024, at least 15 Palestinian herding communities – including hundreds of children – had been forcibly displaced due to escalating settler violence.   By mid-April 2024, reports surfaced that armed settlers, sometimes wearing IDF uniforms, had begun stealing sheep and goats from Palestinian shepherds. These individuals, often identifiable by religious garments such as kippahs, wigs, and turbans, carried out organized raids on Palestinian livestock.   Following the murder of Benjamin Achimeir  (14) on April 12, 2024, near the farm in Malachi Hashalom, settler herders continued their operations as usual. A shepherd from Givat Sde Yonatan in Binyamin described the situation: "Sheep herding in the West Bank has become a real weapon in the campaign. It is the only tool that enables the control of thousands of dunams with limited resources. Shepherds are on the front lines of the struggle for the land. The Arabs understand this well, which is why they constantly target us. This attack was an attempt to halt the ever-growing settlement enterprise. But we will not stop. Every shepherd has personally returned thousands of dunams to Jewish hands. The dream of returning to Zion is unfolding before our eyes, and we are privileged to be part of it. God willing, we will soon see complete redemption."   By mid-May 2024, 18 Palestinian shepherd communities had disappeared from the the West Bank landscape since the war began.   By mid-September 2024, the Palestinian Authority issued a stark warning: "The hills define the borders through grazing. The settlers have left no place untouched."   In response, Givat Sde Yonatan issued a statement: "Sometimes, the importance of our campaign on the ground becomes clear by listening to our enemies. The Palestinians have finally understood what Trumpeldor [Joseph Trumpeldor was a Russian Zionist activist, who was killed while defending the settlement of Tel Hai in 1920 and subsequently became a national hero. According to a standard account, his last words were: "It is good to die for our country."] meant when he said: 'Where the Jewish plow plows the last furrow, there our border will pass.' Now, instead of seizing land unchallenged, they are waging a collective war against the pioneering settlement movement." The settlers further emphasized: "It is absolutely clear to us that we will continue – at all costs – until we win this battle by establishing permanent Jewish settlements." In mid-February 2025, the Knesset's Interior and Environmental Protection Committee approved for second and third reading the "Regulation of Residence in Grazing Areas Bill, 2021. The bill proposes to regulate the construction of residential and agriculture structures in grazing areas. In addition, it proposes that the Grazing Authority of the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development, with the authorization of a Local Planning and Building Committee, approve the construction of such structures.   The new law is expected to benefit settlers in the West Bank, who have taken up goat herding as a way of life. Once the legislation is extended to apply to these territories, the only remaining step will be to classify the farms as falling within the jurisdiction of the regional councils that oversee the settlements. This legal adjustment will effectively transform farm owners from individuals operating outside the law into those acting in full compliance with official regulations. Photography: Idan Yaron

Commanders and fighters report that Central Command has decided to replicate methods used in the Gaza Strip in the northern West Bank." Permission: Activistilles.org

Recently, it was announced that a "civilian projector will deal with the nationalist crime of the Hilltop Youth" – or, as I prefer to call it, "the Hilltop Youth – Price Tag." It was made clear that the Minister of Defense and the head of the Shin Bet are jointly behind this so-called "revolutionary" initiative.   A newspaper article noted – purely from a "state" ( mamlachti ) perspective, completely ignoring the reality of the Hilltop Youth – that "surprisingly, there are those who oppose the move, claiming it constitutes cooperation with the Shin Bet," and that "some elements are even actively working against the Shin Bet's attempt to remove Youth from the cycle of violence in the West Bank."   For anyone familiar with the situation on the ground, these so-called "revelations" are anything but surprising. As I will demonstrate below, the very nature of the process and the decision itself preclude any possibility that appointing a project manager and his team will yield tangible results in addressing the self-perpetuating phenomenon of "Hilltop Youth – Price Tag" (though certain indirect or "environmental" effects cannot be ruled out).   Fundamental Misconceptions This initiative suffers from a fundamental "blindness" regarding the essence of the "Hilltop Youth – Price Tag" phenomenon and the mindset of those who operate within it. Moreover, it disregards crucial lessons from past experiences. Consequently, it is doomed to resounding failure – after, of course, squandering national resources. As is common in our political landscape, these resources will inevitably flow into the hands of well-connected "cronies," further fueling the notorious "political job factory."   Understanding the Movement It is essential to recognize that the Hilltop Youth is a social movement whose "activists" – lacking formal membership – spontaneously unite around a shared vision embodied in the biblical verse: "to inherit and bequeath the land." For the movement's "true believers," this commitment is paramount; they dedicate their time and energy wholeheartedly to realizing their collective vision.   However, the "Hilltop Youth – Price Tag" movement is not merely radical – it is extreme in the most explicit sense. It not only rejects the secular liberal-democratic government but actively seeks to incite rebellion and revolution. Its ultimate aim is to establish an alternative religious-political-social order, using violent extremism (i.e., violence driven by religious, political, or ideological motives) and vigilante terrorism (i.e., unauthorized enforcement, investigation, or punishment of those perceived as criminals or deviants, outside the authority of the sovereign state).   The Futility of the Civilian Projector The assumption that "the position will be filled by a person from the settlements" offers no guarantee of success. It is crucial to understand that the "Hilltop Youth – Price Tag" operates as a "resistance movement" – a loose collective of social activists seeking to challenge the government and the state's sociopolitical structure. In doing so, they effectively rebel against the very institutions from which they emerged, including the founders of the established settlements and their successors.   These activists oppose the establishment in every way; they reject participation in political processes and abstain from voting in Knesset elections. Their opposition extends to regional politics as well – they generally reject institutions like the Yesha Council and regional councils, viewing them as part of the very system they wish to dismantle.   The notion that "the projector will be subordinate to the government and report to various ministries beyond security, including education and welfare" is entirely unacceptable to the "Hilltop Youth – Price Tag". As a result, this initiative will inevitably be perceived as a despised and illegitimate entity, and anyone cooperating with it will face isolation and ostracism.   The Failure of Rabbinical Mediation The idea that "working with rabbis" – as stated by the Shin Bet – can influence the movement also contradicts its fundamental nature. The Hilltop Youth perceive themselves as aggressively anti-rabbinical. Unlike other nationalist-religious factions, they do not have authoritative "rabbis" whom they follow without question. Consequently, any supposed "rabbinical responsibility" for their actions on the ground is, at best, limited and indirect, if it exists at all.   Reports that the "The Israel and Foreign Department" in the Shin Bet is engaging in "talks with rabbis and influential figures among settlement Youth in the West Bank" to curb their nationalist activities seem largely unfounded. This initiative bears an uncanny resemblance to past efforts, such as the "Haredi Nahal" recruitment strategy, where those who enlisted were often marginal figures in ultra-Orthodox society, rather than members of its core yeshiva institutions.   Institutional Mediation – Rabbis and Heads of Regional Councils In the past, at least two instances of mediation have been reported in which representatives of "The Israel and Foreign Department" in the Shin Bet collaborated with prominent rabbis and regional council heads. These efforts led to an "arrangement" that helped some of the Youths reduce their administrative detention time and find rehabilitative alternatives. However, it turns out that these cases involved young minors who were pressured into accepting such arrangements against their will.   In principle, the adult activists of this movement refuse to cooperate with security authorities, law enforcement agencies, or the judicial system. They remain steadfast in their determination despite offers extended to them or to their families by the Shin Bet.   Even the rabbis who had previously played a role in such mediation did not necessarily refrain from criticizing the Shin Bet. After Defense Minister Israel Katz announced the cancellation of administrative detentions for Jews, Rabbi Elyakim Levanon (Rabbi of the Samaria Regional Council and Rosh Yeshiva of Birkat Yosef in Alon Moreh) suggested: "Let us rabbis be involved – our communication with the Youths can be effective. We do not need administrative detention for that." However, he did not specify which group of Youths he was referring to.   Together with Rabbi David Hai Hacohen (Rosh Yeshiva of Netivot Yisrael, head of the Orot HaTorah congregation, and Rabbi of a Bat Yam neighborhood), Rabbi Levanon strongly criticized the Shin Bet, stating that "there is no justification for administrative detentions and the degrading treatment" that the Shin Bet employs against Hilltop Youth as part of its "ongoing persecution of the settlers."   Combining "Hard Means" with "Soft Means" – The Case of The Hebrew Shepherd Project The state employs "hard means" (encompassing security, law enforcement, and justice) alongside "soft means" (including education and welfare).   A notable example of an attempt to implement "soft means" is The Hebrew Shepherd Project, established in 2013 with the stated goal of "strengthening and empowering education, settlement, and society throughout the Land of Israel." The project sought to "empower Youth and promote settlement projects from an educational and ethical perspective."   At its inception, the Director General of the Ministry of Education issued a formal document addressed to key government figures – including the Director General of the Prime Minister's Office, Ministry of Justice, Shin Bet, Israel Police, Public Security Ministry, and IDF Military Intelligence. The letter outlined the creation of an inter-ministerial committee to oversee the project and stated: "Due to the significant involvement of minors in Price Tag incidents, and following staff work done in collaboration with relevant government ministries, The Hebrew Shepherd Project was formulated to provide a rehabilitative educational-welfare response for at-risk Youth in the West Bank. This initiative is part of broader intervention efforts aimed at eradicating nationalist crime."   The letter emphasized that the project would be accompanied by an inter-ministerial steering committee responsible for setting work plans, operational goals, and implementation strategies. It concluded with a request for each ministry to appoint a representative to the committee and submit their details for an upcoming coordination meeting.   Shortly after its release, the letter and project details were exposed by Channel 7 Site, which reported that the plan's first phase involved educational initiatives to promote "acceptance of the different" and welfare programs providing personal and family support. Additionally, community leaders, bridge workers, and key Hilltop figures were to be enlisted to establish direct contact with Youth leaders and foster trust within families and communities.   The project aimed to: Prevent legal violations by addressing risky behavior; Encourage social integration through employment opportunities; Facilitate IDF enlistment among Youth; Promote post-military civic and entrepreneurial initiatives.   Despite criticism, the Ministry of Education defended the project, stating: "This is an educational initiative carried out in cooperation with the Ministry of Social Affairs and other entities. The Shin Bet is not involved in it."   However, in a personal conversation I had with a 20-year-old Hilltop Youth from Amona, he adamantly rejected the Ministry of Education's claims, stating: "Ministry of Education? This is a Shin Bet project!" He further emphasized: "No one among us who wears a kippah and grows payot  was ever approached by them. We did not come to the Hilltops for fun – we came out of faith, out of ideology. So, they changed their approach and targeted the disconnected Youth, the violent and boastful young persons ( arsim ), who have no religious or ideological commitment" (Here again, we see a parallel between "yeshiva students" versus "working-disconnected Haredi Youth.")   Suspicion and Rejection of the Project Although the project's founders later denied any connection with the Shin Bet, significant opposition arose among many Hilltop communities and outposts. This resistance stemmed from a deep-rooted ideological standpoint and a profound distrust of the government.   For example, Menachem Ben-Shahar, one of the founders of Givat Ronen, near Har Bracha, expressed skepticism about the initiative: "I do not understand what exactly is behind this project, but I do understand why people do not want to cooperate with it. There is a feeling that the state perceives a phenomenon – a public with power – and sees it as a flaw that it does not control this public. Consequently, it seeks to attack and interfere from all directions in an attempt to assert control, albeit in an inept and embarrassing manner. The Hilltop Youth make a clear statement, free from excessive communication and rhetoric – a voice that resonates, thank God. Therefore, it is unfortunate to obscure our message to the people of Israel by engaging with elements who, at best, do not identify with us, and at worst, could harm us."   Ideological Opposition from Within the Movement The strongest opposition to The Hebrew Shepherd Project came from activists within the younger generation of the movement. For instance, Meir Ettinger, a prominent ideologists of the Hilltop Youth, articulated his critique on his blog: "The establishment's war on the Hilltop Youth is not only about harassment through enforcement – it is also a cultural war. The establishment is attempting to instill in us the very culture that led them to lose their Jewish identity, to be ashamed of harming Jews, and to lack faith in our right to exist throughout the entire land. From my very first meeting with members of The Hebrew Shepherd – before they even revealed their association with the project – I saw how they sought to persuade the Youth to focus solely on careers, livelihoods, and financial stability. This is the complete opposite of our values as Jews, who reject the obsession with wealth and instead work for the people of Israel, even at the cost of personal sacrifice." Ettinger continued, drawing a historical parallel: "Western culture is what has caused the Shin Bet, the Ministry of Education, and the establishment at large to lose all moral values. This is reminiscent of the ancient Greeks, whose initial influence on the Jewish people was not necessarily through physical oppression but through spiritual infiltration. Similarly, today, their main weapon is the cultural influence they try to impose on us – Hellenistic values, materialism, and corruption. We do not need them to educate us. Rather, we are the ones who should be educating them and spreading our light to them."   Rabbi Yitzhak Shapira, head of the Od Yosef Hai yeshiva in the settlement Yitzhar, recounted a visit from members of The Hebrew Shepherd Project who sought his endorsement. He described their request as follows: "This project claims to provide educational and employment frameworks for the Hilltop Youth. However, what is less known is that behind it stand the Shin Bet, the Prime Minister's Office, and the Ministry of Education – in other words, the highest levels of government. Their goal is to gain approval from figures respected by the Youth to ensure their cooperation." Rabbi Shapira responded with a counteroffer: "No problem, I'm willing to teach a civics course within the project. The topic? What a Jewish state really is. We will study citizenship from our perspective – you fund it, and I will explain what the state is supposed to be. I am fully prepared to be a partner on this project. You want backing? Then why don't you approve of my course?" Unsurprisingly – though infuriatingly to him – his proposal was ignored.   Then – and Now Elhanan Groner, writer for Hakol HaYehudi  (The Jewish Voice) and spokesman for Honenu (providing legal aid to Israeli soldiers and civilians in distress), directly questioned the founder of The Hebrew Shepherd Project: "The authentic Hilltop Youth – if you can define it that way – do not engage with your project at all. Perhaps you simply failed in your mission and, instead of admitting it, changed your target audience and objectives?" According to Groner, the founder of the project did not deny this conclusion, instead asserting that from the very beginning, his intent was not to engage with the 'hardcore' activists.   That same Elhanan Groner, now editor of Hakol HaYehudi , recently wrote about the civilian projector initiative, dismissing it as: "A not-so-funny joke and a project doomed before it even began – because of its ties to the Shin Bet." He explained: "A series of similar initiatives have already failed, wasting millions of shekels on projects that were not even relevant to Hilltop Youth. The reason is simple: the Hilltop Youth are not the problem – they are the solution. The real problem is a weak state that refuses to confront the enemy and allows Jews to be murdered. If the state were to fulfill its duty and deal with the real threat, no one would feel the need to act independently. But the establishment does not acknowledge this reality. Instead, it convinces itself that by offering Hilltop Youth a budget for welding courses and poyke  (cast iron cooking pot), they will suddenly lose their determination to retaliate against attacks. This mindset has never worked – and never will – until the government realizes that its own failures are the problem, not the Youth."   In a past conversation with a former activist of the Hilltop Youth, he described his transition after leaving the Hills, getting married, and settling in Gush Shiloh. He later took on the role of "Youth Coordinator – Identification" in the Mathh Binyamin  Regional Council. Reflecting on his evolving understanding, he stated: "Eventually, I realized that the state is just a tool – neither sacred nor profane. It can be used against you, or for you. Where I can use it to my advantage, it is good; where I can't – I have no ideological problem stabbing a dagger in its back. I am in contact with state and public organizations, but I still struggle with it. Even seeing the Israeli flag – in whose name I was persecuted – remains difficult for me."   Despite his background and reputation, he initially faced distrust from the Youth: ""Because I came from the system – from the establishment – their first reaction was skepticism. It took a long time to gain their personal trust. I was transparent from the start: 'This is the project; these are its goals. Whatever you say – I am with you.'"   He acknowledged that the state had finally begun engaging with the Hilltop Youth positively – not to remove them from the Hills, but to enhance their skills through structured education, vocational training, and personalized programs. However, he ultimately conceded: "The Youth generally reject state budgets and support from any government authority. As a result, the vast majority of funds allocated for these programs went unused.   The Ministry of Education stated that various programs, including The Hebrew Shepherd, continue to operate. However, a senior ministry official privately admitted: "None of these programs have been able to provide meaningful treatment or effective assistance to the Hilltop Youth."   Despite the considerable resources invested in multiple projects aimed at "reforming" or "integrating" the "Hilltop Youth – Price Tag," these efforts have consistently failed to achieve their intended goals. There is no logical basis to assume that the new "civilian projector" will succeed where previous attempts have repeatedly collapsed. As such, this project is inevitably doomed to failure. Photography: Idan Yaron

Photography: Idan Yaron According to the Channel 7 website, "The Jerusalem District Court reversed the decision of the Magistrate's Court and acquitted Benzi Gopstein – a political activist affiliated with the far-right in Israel, a student of Rabbi Meir Kahane, and founder of Lehava (Flame) for the Prevention of Assimilation in the Holy Land – of charges of incitement to racism."   The article raised a "significant question" regarding whether this ruling would allow Gopstein to run in the upcoming Knesset elections.   In order to assess the implications of this ruling, it is necessary to present the facts in an orderly manner and evaluate their significance accordingly.   Results of the Appeal in the District Court The Channel 7 article refers to two appeals filed by Benzi Gopstein against the State of Israel (Appeal No. 43477-07-24, and Appeal No. 18997-09-24, February 4, 2025). These appeals pertain to two specific charges in the lower court's verdict (T.F. 62177-11-19), which included a conviction on January 14, 2024, followed by sentencing on June 4, 2024.   The fourth charge in the indictment alleged that, during a speech at a assembly held in memory of Rabbi Meir Kahane – later documented on a website – Gopstein made explicitly racist remarks against the Arab population as a whole. It was determined that these remarks were made with the intent to incite, leading to his conviction for "incitement to racism."   The fifth charge related to Gopstein's participation in a wedding, during which some attendees wore masks and wielded knives. At the end of the celebration, Gopstein took the stage, waved his hands, encouraged the dancers, and twice sang a hymn praising Baruch Goldstein – an American-Israeli physician, supporter of Kach movement founded by Rabbi Meir Kahane, who killed 29 and wounded 125 Muslim worshippers at the Cave of the Patriarch in Hebron, in February 25, 1994 – that included the words: "Blessed is the man who entered the cave, cocked the weapon and fired." He then declared, "Muhammad is dead."   The original verdict found that, while his words constituted "praise and glorification of an act of terrorism," the absence of a strong response from the wedding guests, coupled with the determination that such songs were not uncommon at far-right weddings, meant there was no real likelihood that this would lead to an act of terrorism. Consequently, Gopstein was acquitted of this charge in the lower court.   Upon appeal, however, the District Court overturned the earlier acquittal on the fifth charge while acquitting him of the fourth charge. The judges ruled that the circumstances surrounding the wedding "created a real possibility of leading to the commission of an act of terrorism."   Thus, the new ruling convicted Gopstein of a more serious offense than before. However, despite this, the judges chose not to alter his sentence, citing, among other reasons, the considerable time that had passed since the original trial.   Given these developments, it is unsurprising that headlines in other media outlets framed the outcome differently – such as, for instance: "Former Police Minister's Associate Convicted of Incitement to Terrorism."   High Court Decision on His Disqualification from the Knesset Elections Gopstein's legal troubles extend beyond this specific trial. In 2019, the High Court of Justice ruled against his eligibility to run for the Knesset (Case Nos. A.B. 5487/19 and A.B. 5506/19, August 22, 2019). This decision was not limited to the assembly speech (the fourth charge) but also took into account his behavior at the wedding (the fifth charge).   In their ruling, the nine presiding justices reviewed extensive evidence presented against Gopstein, including numerous statements he had made over the years. Their findings were unequivocal: "The dozens of pieces of evidence presented before us create a clear and undeniable picture: Gopstein has engaged in systematic incitement to racism against the Arab public. He portrays Arabs as an enemy with whom no form of coexistence is possible. He likens them to a terminal disease, referring to them as a 'cancer that has metastasized everywhere.' He openly describes Arabs as following a 'culture of murder, theft, and rape.'"   Furthermore, when confronted with these statements during the Central Elections Committee's disqualification hearings, Gopstein did not express regret. Instead, he emphasized: "I am not ashamed. I do not retract my words, and I do not regret them. I will continue to fight against assimilation."   The court concluded that Gopstein's long-standing and systematic pattern of racist incitement fell squarely within the prohibitions outlined in Article 7A(a)(2) of the Basic Law, which disqualifies individuals from running for office due to incitement to racism.   In response to attempts by Gopstein's supporters to argue that his statements were merely an ideological stance against assimilation, the justices were unconvinced: "This attempt completely collapses in light of the extreme severity of his statements, which are saturated with contempt and hatred toward the Arab public as a whole."   Gopstein’s Response Unsurprisingly, Gopstein dismissed the court's rulings as politically motivated. In his response, he stated: "We know that the Supreme Court is entirely political. It adheres to an agenda that serves only one side, and that side is certainly not mine. Therefore, I cannot expect any objective decisions from those wearing black robes – they are simply incapable of impartiality."   Ending Given the above, a fundamental question arises: How accurate, complete, and relevant was the Channel 7 website’s reporting?

Major General (Res.) Giora Eiland supports Trump's plan.   Is This surprising?   You are Invited to read My original article here on "The Gaza Division – The Generals' Position." Permission: Activstills.org

Khirbet Zanuta is a Palestinian shepherd community located in the southwest of the Hebron Mountains. The village was home to approximately 250 residents, who, like other shepherd communities in the West Bank, originally lived in natural caves reinforced with stone entrances. However, by the 1980s, as the caves began to collapse, the residents were forced to abandon them and construct stone houses with tin and tarpaulin roofs. The village is situated along Highway 60, west of the Meitar junction ( Construction of the Shoket interchange between Highway 31 and Highway 60, including bridge and road building) . The construction of this road divided the village into two parts, further complicating life for its inhabitants.   According to a report by the Association for Civil Rights (September 2017), in 2007, the Civil Administration issued demolition orders for most of the houses in the village. The state's justification was that these structures had been built illegally, without permits. However, in reality, the residents had no means of obtaining building permits. Like most Palestinian villages located in Area C, Khirbet Zanuta lacks a master plan, making it legally impossible for residents to receive building approvals.   The Civil Administration further argued that the village did not warrant urban planning due to its small population size, the presence of an archaeological site in the area (which includes the remains of a mosque, previously used for overnight stays), and the relatively large distance between the village and the nearest town. Despite these claims, most of the village's residents were born and raised there, while others came from the nearby town of Ad-Dhahiriya , settling in Khirbet Zanuta when they began raising sheep.   In 2017, legal proceedings in the High Court of Justice (HCJ) led to the state announcing that the Supreme Planning Council would hold a hearing to examine the possibility of legally recognizing and preserving the village through planning measures. As a result, the judge closed the petition, temporarily freezing the Civil Administration's demolition orders until the regularization process was completed.   Despite this legal respite, in December 2018, the Regavim movement petitioned the District Court, demanding the demolition of a newly built school in the village. However, this demand was ultimately not enforced, allowing the school to remain standing.   In the following years, legal battles concerning the village's future and the rights of its residents continued without resolution.   In early February 2022, the human rights organization Machsom Watch reported an incident in which Hilltop Youth attacked the village shepherds and attempted to seize their flock. The Israeli army, despite observing the attack from a distance, did not intervene until the settlers themselves called for military assistance. When the soldiers finally arrived, they responded not by stopping the assailants, but by throwing a stun grenade at the flock. In the chaos that followed, settlers' dogs attacked and killed three sheep. Following the incident, Israeli police arrested three Palestinian shepherds, while one of the settlers was also briefly taken for questioning but was immediately released.   In late July 2024, in response to two petitions filed before the High Court of Justice (HCJ 8117/23 and HCJ 8242/23), residents of several Palestinian villages in the southern Hebron Hills – including Khirbet Zanuta and another village – claimed they were not receiving adequate protection from law enforcement authorities despite ongoing harassment and violence directed against them and their property.   The petitioners requested that the court order the Israeli military and police to ensure their protection and facilitate their return to their homes, after they had been forcibly displaced due to repeated attacks and ongoing threats. They contended that law enforcement agencies were failing to uphold their legal obligations, exposing them to constant danger and, in some cases, forcing them to abandon their homes altogether.   During the court hearing, a senior officer from the Hebron Police acknowledged that violent, nationalistically motivated attacks do occur in the area and admitted that there were suspicions that Israeli soldiers had been involved in some of these incidents.   After hearing arguments from both sides, the judges reaffirmed the duty of Israeli military and police forces operating in the West Bank to protect all residents from violence and unlawful actions. The court emphasized that this obligation stems both from international law, which applies to the area, and from the fundamental principles of the rule of law.   The court further noted that repeated physical attacks on residents and their property are a serious matter that requires an effective response from law enforcement agencies. The judges stressed that authorities must act decisively to prevent such attacks and ensure the safety of all individuals under their jurisdiction.   The court reaffirmed that: "The picture that emerges from the petitioners' claims is, to say the least, disturbing. In fact, even from the respondents' statements, it is evident that the response provided is incomplete – despite their claim that all possible measures were taken. It is important to emphasize that the petitioners are protected residents who are entitled to an adequate response from the authorities in the region, particularly in relation to allegations of repeated violence against them. Accordingly, it is the duty of law enforcement agencies in the area to ensure the safety of the petitioners and maintain public order, even amid the complex circumstances of the current period and despite any operational limitations."   In November 2023, the Kerem Navot volunteer association reported that the residents of Khirbet Zanuta had been partially or fully expelled over recent years due to violence from settlers and the military.   According to testimony from B'Tselem, since the outbreak of war following the October 7, 2023 massacre, residents had been subjected to continuous harassment and threats from armed settlers, and, at times, even soldiers, who demanded that they leave the area. Armed settlers repeatedly arrived in the village, threatening to harm the residents if they refused to vacate their homes.   Between October 12 and October 27, 2023, a series of violent assaults took place: October 12 – Armed settlers arrived in two vehicles, targeted three homes, physically attacked residents using their hands and weapons, destroyed solar panels, vandalized a car door, and left; October 23 – Two settlers entered the home of a family, shoved the mother, emptied two water tanks, and departed; October 24 – Settlers attacked the community, stoned residents, shattered solar panels and house windows, and emptied additional water tanks; October 27 – Four masked settlers drove into the village and harassed residents sitting near their homes, demanding that they stop filming. They then threw a stun grenade at the residents, forcing them to retreat indoors.   Following these relentless assaults, approximately 200 residents of Khirbet Zanuta abandoned their homes. This village was one of about 25 communities expelled under the cover of war in Gaza.   Immediately after the residents fled, settlers descended upon the village and systematically demolished it: Trees were cut down; Every house was razed to the ground; The school was completely destroyed (a five-grade school completed in 2014).   With their homes and community obliterated, the residents filed an urgent petition to the High Court of Justice in an attempt to reclaim their land.   In July 2024, the state declared before the court that it would allow the displaced residents to return to the ruins of their village. However, due to repeated bureaucratic delays, it was not until late August 2024 that dozens of residents returned to Khirbet Zanuta.   Upon their return, they began efforts to restore the village: Some brought their flocks of sheep back; Others inspected water wells and fruit trees; Residents worked to remove metal poles and concrete blocks placed by settlers to block village roads They planned to bring women and children back after a few weeks, once some form of shelter was established.   However, the scene in the village was grim: No buildings remained intact; No trees for shade; No roofs to provide shelter; No school for children.   Every attempt to rebuild – even placing a single stone – was immediately met with a harsh response from the Israeli military and police. Even shade cloths were confiscated, deemed "illegal construction."   Since their return, the residents of Khirbet Zanuta have been subjected to constant surveillance by settlers, particularly those from the Meitarim  (an outpost established in 2021 by Yinon Levi). The settlers: Flew drones over the village; Circled the area non-stop; Entered the destroyed houses to prevent any reconstruction.   Beyond settler interference, the Israeli Civil Administration formally prohibited residents from rebuilding their homes. The head of the Civil Administration's infrastructure branch informed the villagers that they had 30 days to evacuate, citing a 2007 legal petition as justification. Additionally, a High Court judge referenced a 2017 petition, stating: "If no resolution is found, the demolition orders will be reinstated with a 30-day notice."   Despite the passing of seven years, during which no formal planning measures were enacted, and no demolition orders were carried out, the deadline expired, and the final remaining fragments of the village were cleared away.   By October 2024, reports confirmed that Khirbet Zanuta was completely destroyed and abandoned: The school was partially burned; Its windows were shattered; The walls were covered in Hebrew graffiti; The houses were ransacked, with broken walls and burned roofs.   Several former residents attempted to return and restore the ruins, but IDF soldiers and violent settlers from the nearby outpost blocked them at every turn.   Due to their continued inability to return to their village – despite the court's ruling permitting them to do so – the displaced residents of Khirbet Zanuta filed a lawsuit for contempt of court with the Supreme Court. Their claim was that the state had failed to comply with the ruling.   As evidence, they attached documentation of settler violence, detailing approximately 100 recorded incidents of attacks, including settlers entering their land – and even their homes. They further alleged that the police ignored their calls for help, and when a patrol vehicle was dispatched, no indictments were ever filed against the perpetrators.   Compounding their plight, the Civil Administration formally notified the residents that their homes had been built illegally and ordered them to relocate to an area approximately three kilometers away.   In early January 2025, during a hearing on the enforcement of laws against settler violence in the southern Hebron Hills, including Khirbet Zanuta, Justice Dafna Barak-Erez opened the session with a stark acknowledgment: "We are in a crisis situation. What is happening to the lives of these people? This is not a normal case of enforcement, but rather enforcement that was carried out illegally. You have plans, but in the meantime, there are people with nowhere to live." Acting Supreme Court President Yitzhak Amit further criticized the police, stating unequivocally that they "do not enforce settler violence." He pointedly remarked: "Not a single indictment has been filed. We see settlers inside the residents’ own homes."   In February 2025, the High Court of Justice ruled in favor of the expelled residents, ordering the state to allow them to return to Khirbet Zanuta. The ruling explicitly stated: "The police and the army must ensure that settlers are removed from the village and its lands in a continuous manner and with due diligence." Furthermore, the judges mandated that the state permit residents to rebuild the homes and structures that had been destroyed by settlers after the residents’ forced departure.   Following the court's decision, the head of the Mount Hebron Regional Council strongly condemned the ruling, calling it a "delusion." He argued that: "The High Court is encouraging illegal settlement and construction at an archaeological site, while destroying precious finds that are thousands of years old – all due to the Civil Administration’s failure to enforce the law."   Courtesy of B'Tselem organization In light of the ongoing struggle, one can only hope – as is customary in these lands –that we shall "let the sons return to their borders" – and "they shall learn no war anymore."